3.9.15

Helios en Beit Alfa



Articulación y significado del panel central

Particularmente enigmática y desafiante se presenta ante nuestros ojos la imaginería del panel central en el mosaico de la sinagoga de Beit Alfa. Ella, como hemos señalado, ha dado lugar a numerosas hipótesis que intentan dar una explicación racional a la misteriosa naturaleza de dicha imaginería y sus posibles alcances en términos de significado.

En efecto, nada es obvio en el panel central del mosaico de Beit Alfa, donde hasta ahora hemos detectado la presencia de motivos provenientes del antiguo repertorio visual grecorromano, que fueron adaptados para interactuar como un conjunto expresivo de un mensaje específicamente judío: se trata entonces de un programa teológico no evidente. El mismo podría además involucrar una dimensión poética y, se ser así, tampoco ella resulta ser nada que resulte evidente a simple vista.

La interacción de motivos visuales heterogéneos en el mencionado panel se encuentra en el centro del debate académico, donde hasta hoy existen escasos encuentros e innumerables discrepancias sobre la razón de ser de esa composición. Con todo, las hipótesis suelen todas generalmente considerar esferas tales como la decoración, la astronomía, la astrología, el calendario, la literatura rabínica del período talmúdico, así como también el simbolismo teológico. A todas ellas, podríamos también agregarle un arte de la poética, indudablemente compatible este último con varios de los mencionados aspectos, en especial la decoración y la teología. En otras palabras, no necesariamente arte por el arte sino el arte de la poética, lo que equivale a decir poesía visual.

Porque decir que, como conjunto, el mosaico de Beit Alfa es una composición destinada a embellecer la sinagoga sería entenderla meramente como una alfombra. Mas, dado el conjunto de motivos e inscripciones que involucra, la composición de Beit Alfa está más allá del concepto de arte por el arte. Y eso no equivale a decir que carezca de una (respetable) dimensión estética.

Tanto las hipótesis que intentan explicar el mosaico partiendo de la literatura rabínica del período talmúdico como la astrología postulan ideas estimulantes, mas no del todo convincentes. En este contexto debe además recordarse el tradicional escepticismo del judaísmo para con las ciencias adivinatorias.[AM]

Diferente es por otra parte el caso de la astronomía, ya que la observación del cosmos sí tiene ecos diversos en la torá y demás textos sagrados del judaísmo. Destacado en particular es allí el obrar del Creador al diferenciar la luz de las tinieblas. Y simbólica es a su vez la noción de luz para el judaísmo . Ello es claramente expresado cuando Abraham observa las estrellas, acto que demuestra que, de resultar provechoso, el simbolismo bíblico no duda en recurrir a la analogía astronómica.

Investigadores y comentaristas frecuentemente debaten la supuesta naturaleza caléndrica en el panel central del mosaico de Beit Alfa, aunque sin demasiado éxito. Porque lo cierto es que, más allá del calendario que se considere, la organización del panel central tiende a rechazar sistemáticamente esa posibilidad. No en vano él carece de una correspondencia caléndrica satisfactoria entre, por ejemplo, las estaciones del año y los períodos zodíacos. Al contrario, la relación caléndrica entre ellos está marcada por un pronunciado desfazaje.

Como expresamos, es el aspecto teológico-simbólico el que resuena en el mosaico de Beit Alfa y justifica su articulación tripartita como totalidad significante. No obstante el aspecto teológico-simbólico no es excluyente de otros y error grande sería descartar aquí las dimensiones estética y poética que acompañan al mensaje del mosaico sinagogal en cuestión.


Tiempo y propósito

Un tiempo para todo hay bajo el cielo, recuerda con propiedad el Ecclesiastés.[43] Señalemos entonces que el motivo del luminoso ser que avanza en la cuadriga y atravieza el firmamento encontrándose rodeado por doce constelaciones tiene sus referentes visuales en el arte romano tardío.[44] En efecto, en Alemania fue descubierto un mosaico, probablemente de mediados del siglo III EC,[45] que incluye a Sol en la cuadriga en su centro y rodeado por una rueda que incorpora a los doce signos del zodiaco.


Sol Invictus y el ciclo zodiaco. Mosaico del período romano, c. 270 CE. Hallado en una villa en Münster-Sarmsheim, exhibido en Rheinisches Landes Museum, Bonn

Además de la importante afinidad de motivos solares y composición concéntrica que se da entre el mosaico de Beit Alfa y su predecesor de Münster-Sarmsheim,[46] los motivos zodíacos de ambos trabajos fueron organizados a partir de un orden donde prevalece el sentido antihorario.[47] La notable diferencia entre esos trabajos es que el mosaico de Münster-Sarmsheim no posee personificaciones de las estaciones del año en sus esquinas, cosa que contrasta con el segundo panel de Beit Alfa, fuertemente caracterizado por presencia de las personificaciones de las cuatro estaciones del año y su relación para con los diferentes componentes de la rueda zodiacal.

La composición a partir de un cuadrado incorpora en la misma uno o más círculos centrados es frecuente en el arte romano y bizantino. Ella se da en términos abstractos en el mosaico ornamental de Ostia Antica en Roma y en términos figurativos en otro conocido como El triunfo de Neptuno en Tunisia (ambos siglo II EC). El último posee en su centro un medallón con una figura mitológica en un carro tirado por caballos marinos, mientras que en sus esquinas exhibe personificadas a las cuatro estaciones.

Ostia Antica

Tunisia

El cuadrado que exhibe en su interior dos áreas formadas por figuras geométricas concéntricas se da en el pétreo cielorraso del Templo de Bel en Palmira (siglos I-II EC), el mosaico de Münster-Sarmsheim (siglo III), el mosaico de Hammat Tiberias (Tierra Santa, siglo IV) y el mosaico de Tallaras en Astypalea (Grecia, siglo V).

Cielorraso del Templo de Bel, Palmira

Mosaico de Münster-Sarmsheim

Mosaico de Hammat Tiberias
Sol Invictus, ciclo zodiaco y personificaciones de las cuatro estaciones en el mosaico bizantino de la Sinagoga de Hammat Tiberias, siglo IV EC. Probablemente empleado como fuente de inspiración visual para el mosaico de la Sinagoga de Beit Alfa, con la que comparte los tres principales componentes geométricos y presenta además una idéntica distribución de las personificaciones de las estaciones del año, con sus atributos correspondientes, y designadas a partir de los nombres de cuatro meses del calendario hebreo que involucran los equinoccios y solsticios.[48]

Mosaico de Beit Alfa

Mosaico de Astypalea
Tomando como base este mosaico, Ruth Jacobi alguna vez demostró que los motivos de Helios, la rueda zodíaca y las personificaciones de las estaciones del año fueron empleados por diversos grupos durante el período romano tardío sin por ello llegar a constituir ninguna tradición exclusivamente judía.[49] Si bien su conclusión es correcta, también es necesario indicar que, a diferencia de los mosaicos de Astypalea y Hammat Tiberias, el mosaico de Beit Alfa prescinde de motivos mitológicos híbridos para identificar a las constelaciones de sagitario y capricornio.[50]

En lo que respecta a la relación de proporciones entre el diámetro del círculo central y el ancho de la rueda o anillo circundante, ella es 1.5:1 en Beit Alfa, 1.75:1 en Tallaras, 2:1 en Hammat Tiberias y 4:1 en Münster-Sarmsheim y Palmira.

La conjunción de Helios en la cuadriga, la rueda zodiacal y las personificaciones de las estaciones del año se da en el mosaico de Hammat Tiberias y, aparentemente, también en Astypalea. Con el mosaico de Astypalea, el mosaico de Beit Alfa comparte un estilo que se aleja de la mímesis clásica y la tridimensionalidad. Mas en el mosaico de Astypalea, la posición, distribución e identidad de cada una de las estaciones del año representadas en las esquinas del mosaico no es del todo clara y, además, el protagonista principal del mosaico carece de cuadriga. Por otra parte, la posición de la rueda zodiacal que más se aproxima a aquella de Beit Alfa es la representada en el mosaico de Münster-Sarmsheim. No obstante, estilísticamente, la estructura de la rueda zodiacal y los matices del mosaico de Beit Alfa son particularmente afines con aquellos del mosaico de Hammat Tiberias.

De lo considerado emerge que el panel central del mosaico de Beit Alfa presenta puntos en común en lo que se refiere a composición, proporciones e imaginería con varias obras del arte romano tardío y bizantino, pero es con el mosaico de Hammat Tiberias con el que posee las mayores afinidades, tanto en términos estilísticos como iconográficos.

Tal como sucede con las ruedas zodiacales de Astypalea, Hammat Tiberias, Münster-Sarmsheim, e incluso en otra más delineada en un antiguo grafitti romano,[51] también la rueda zodiacal de Beit Alfa implica la presencia de un orden que ha de ser leído en sentido antihorario. Y lo mismo es válido para la distribución de las estaciones del año en el mosaico de Beit Alfa, que responde una vez más a un ordenamiento antihorario, encontrándose otoño (tkufat tishri) el ángulo inferior derecho, invierno (tkufat tevet) el ángulo superior derecho, primavera (tkfufat nisan) el ángulo superior izquierdo, y verano (tkufat tamuz) el ángulo inferior izquierdo. Junto al busto de cada personificación de las mencionadas estaciones del año puede verse una inscripción hebrea con el nombre del mes hebreo en que ella comienza (tishri, tevet, nisan, tamuz). También los signos zodiacales son acompañados por incripciones de sus respectivas denominaciones en la lengua hebrea: mozna'im, "balanza" (libra); akrav, "escorpión" (escorpio); késhet, "arco" (sagitario); gdi, "cabra" (capricornio); dli, "balde" (acuario); daguím, "peces" (piscis); taléh, "cordero" (aries); shor, "toro" (tauro); te'umim, "gemelos" (géminis); sartan, "cáncer" (idem); ariéh, "león" (leo); y betulá, "virgen" (virgo).



Dado que el mosaico de Beit Alfa fue realizado en el hemisferio norte y en él las personificaciones de las estaciones del año fueron distribuidas en las esquinas del panel central, una correspondencia apropiada entre signos zodíacos y estaciones del año, en consonancia con sus respectivos solsticios y equinoccios, requeriría a libra en otoño, capricornio en invierno, aries en primavera y cáncer en verano.


Calendario hebreo lunisolar a partir del segundo panel de Beit Alfa. Respeta la posición de las personificaciones de las estaciones del año y sus designaciones recurriendo a los nombres de cuatro meses del calendario hebreo, consecuentes todas con solsticios y equinoccios. El calendario aquí ilustrado comprende las equivalencias entre los doce meses del calendario hebreo y doce estaciones zodiacales que se corresponden con los mismos. Incluye además las relaciones existentes entre los pares recientemente mencionados y los meses del calendario gregoriano. El presente diagrama tiene por único propósito el ilustrar las diferentes designaciones y correspondencias entre los componentes hasta ahora presentados, tomando como punto de partida el interés en descifrar el segundo panel de Beit Alfa.

Pero en el segundo panel de Beit Alfa los signos zodíacos no se encuentran distribuídos así, sino que libra figura entre primavera y verano, capricornio entre verano y otoño, aries entre otoño e invierno, y cáncer entre invierno y primavera. Esto sin dudas es irregular y contradice las conocidas correspondencias entre ambos ciclos.[52] Dado que cada motivo zodiacal representa un determinado segmento o período del año, su distribución en el mosaico de Beit Alfa contradice además los frutos y aves representados junto a las personificaciones de las estaciones del año y que constituyen los atributos de las mismas. Se da entonces una considerable discrepancia entre los doce motivos zodíacos (mazalot) y las cuatro épocas (tkufot) propias del calendario agrícolo-religioso hebreo. Así , los signos de la noche parecen contradecir a aquellos del día. Y de tal desentendimiento resultaría a su vez que los solsticios y los equinoccios, indudablemente importantes en la vida cotidiana de los hebreos, se encuentren en el mosaico todos desplazados: exactamente 150° antes de sus respectivas posiciones, lo que de un modo implícito implicaría un colapso de las trareas agrícolas y el escándalo en materia religiosa, poniendo en crisis las tradiciones ancestrales del pueblo hebreo.

Ante tal situación acaso sea conveniente recordar que no solo las personificaciones de las estaciones del año son acompañadas en el mosaico de Beit Alfa por incripciones hebreas, sino que ellas también figuran junto a cada uno de los motivos zodíacos. Dichas inscripciones dan a entender que se trata de un conjunto de motivos adoptados y adaptados por una comunidad judía.[53] Con todo, en Beit Alfa se ha evitado inscribir nombres específicos de meses del calendario hebreo junto a los motivos zodíacos, pese al hecho que, año tras año, los meses hebreos son coincidentes con los mencionados períodos zodiacales.[54] Mas diferente es la condición de las estaciones del año, las que en el mosaico sí son identificadas como "épocas" gracias a inscripciones hebreas que sólo en su caso involucran los nombres de cuatro meses hebreos: tishri, tevet, nisan y tamuz.

En tanto que los motivos visuales que hacen referencia a las estaciones zodíacas son suscintamente identificados a partir de nombres hebreos simples (pero que no son los nombres propios de los meses del calendario hebreo), la identificación de cada estación del año se realiza a partir del nombre del mes hebreo que se corresponde con el inicio de la misma. En este caso no hay desfazaje ninguno. Ello habla de un conocimiento de la relación existente entre cada estación del año y su correspondiente mes en el calendario hebreo, noción que es incluso reafirmada por los atributos  que  en el mosaico exhibe cada una de las estaciones del año.[55]

A partir de esto, la rueda zodíaca resulta ser una rara especie de convencional extranjerismo, en tanto que las estaciones del año dejan constancia de la experiencia hebrea en el campo agrícolo-religioso.

Las estaciones del año aparentemente son aquí más importantes que los períodos zodíacos, dado que es en ellas cuando tienen lugar los solsticios y los equinoccios. En el mosaico de Beit Alfa, cada personificación de una estación del año es, junto con sus atributos correspondientes, coherente con la inscripción que la identifica con uno de los meses del calendario hebreo. Consistente es también la denominación hebrea de los diferentes motivos estelares.

Sin embargo, la lógica se pierde por completo de intentarse corroborar una posible correspondencia entre los motivos zodiacales y aquellos de las estaciones del año: las estaciones del año lejos se encuentran de corresponderse con los alcances propios de cada período zodiacal.[56] Esto es sumamente extraño dado que, como hemos señalado, los meses del calendario hebreo sí son coincidentes con los alcances de los signos zodiacales.[57]

La incompatibidad descubierta nos conduce a preguntarnos qué pudo haber motivado tamaña discrepancia entre los períodos zodíacos y las estaciones del año en pleno corazón de la sinagoga.[58]

Hacia la luz

EN OBRAS

El carácter tripartito del mosaico de Beit Alfa se manifiesta en los tres grandes paneles que posee la obra como totalidad y mediante la tríada de sectores bien diferenciados propia del panel central.[60]

En este último prevalece la figura luminosa, circundada por la rueda astral y rodeada de las estaciones del año.

Mientras la figura central en la cuadriga asciende al firmamento, los demás motivos cumplen un papel periférico. Ellos han sido dispuestos en el mosaico como si fuesen verdaderos testigos oculares del acontecimiento que tiene lugar en el círculo central. Tal idea no es exagerada si consideramos que los motivos en cuestión representan seres vivos o conceptos personificados, todos ellos encontrándose además posicionados de modo tal de crear una relación de subordinación y convergencia respecto al motivo central.




Delicias de la faena poética

En sus escritos, Goethe confiesa ser del "linaje de aquellos que de lo oscuro a lo claro aspiran".[OG]

Claro que lo configurado en Beit Alfa en el siglo VI EC no tiene nada que ver con esto último. Y sin embargo, a partir del mosaico original en Beit Alfa es posible deducir que la composición de su segundo panel no fue concebida para crear un calendario astronómicamente funcional sino como una curiosa conjunción de motivos convencionales que sugieren la noción del transcurrir del tiempo en términos simbólicos elementales: un ciclo anual involucrando sucesiones lógicas de meses y estaciones.[CU59] Sólo que en el mosaico en cuestión resulta ser que las estaciones del año son totalmente incompatibles con las estaciones zodiacales.

¿Resultado de la ingenuidad de los artistas? Es poco probable. Porque la razón de ser del panel central del mosaico de Beit Alfa no es astronómico-caléndrica, sino simbólico-teológica.

Bajo esta luz, el supuesto desfazaje cobra sentido y uno verdaderamente original. De la imagen elaborada por Marianos y Janina emana que tanto las estaciones del año como la astrología son sistemas que conciernen a este mundo, mas en el caso en cuestión ambos involucran un innegable desfazaje. Ello no es accidental: en tanto que el comprender el ciclo lunisolar les permitió a los hebreos sobrevivir gracias a un exitoso desarrollo de la agricultura, el conocimiento del zodiaco aparentemente implicó para ellos no más que una distracción en supersticiones inconsecuentes. Así, en el mosaico de Beit Alfa, no es por casualidad ni mucho menos por error que sean precisamente las cuatro personificaciones de las estaciones del año las que son identificadas con los nombres de los cuatro meses del calendario hebreo que sí se corresponden con cada una de ellas, en tanto que los motivos zodíacos son meramente identificados a partir de los bien conocidos, pero muy básicos y básicamente descriptivos, vocablos hebreos con los que hasta el día de hoy se los continúa denominándolos en la Tierra Santa.[SS60]

En un contexto teológico-simbólico, la imaginería del segundo panel de Beit Alfa cobra sentido y es susceptible de ser interpretada de modo lógico y coherente: el mundo posee su propia lógica, orden hay en las estaciones del año y también en las constelaciones, todas ellas establecidas por el Creador.[BG61] La comprensión del calendario hebreo le ha asegurado al pueblo judío un apto desarrollo de la agricultura, llámese una ciencia que lo ayudó en su continuidad y autopreservación. Mas el conocimiento del zodiaco solo lo condujo a supersticiones absurdas, llámesele astronomía con fines astrológico-adivinatorios. Desde el punto de vista teológico judío, tales sistemas tienden a ser incompatibles y no pueden sino contradecirse mutuamente. Los artistas judeo-bizantinos por otra parte expresaron la familiaridad del pueblo hebreo para con las cuatro estaciones del año, a las que representaron personificadas y designándolas mediante los nombres de cuatro meses del calendario hebreo, es decir, considerando de un modo implícito sus respectivos solsticios o equinoccios. Completamente distinto es el caso del zodiaco, cuyos signos fueron identificados sólo a través de términos hebreos prosaicos e, inesperadamente, no a partir del nombre del mes hebreo que de hecho suele ser coincidir con cadas período zodiacal.

En medio de esta paradoja dialéctica, o llámesele, el mundo rodeado por dos sistemas desfazados y contradictorios, pero que no obstante simbolizan tanto al hebraísmo como al paganismo, es donde tiene lugar una apoteosis. Y dado que nos encontramos ante el mosaico de una sinagoga, tal ascención difícilmente podría ser otra que la apoteosis de un ser elegido. Pero cuál: ¿un entonces ya obsoleto menor dios del panteón pagano o algún siempre vigente y estimado profeta del pueblo hebreo?

Marianos y Janina nos confrontan así con un interrogante que demanda un compromiso reflexivo de nuestra parte. Este tipo de interrogante es propio de gente acostumbrada a cuestionar y a cuestionar-se. En efecto, en vez de dar respuestas categóricas y tener certitudes para todo, el judaísmo se ha caracterizado desde sus albores por estimular todo tipo de preguntas e incluso darle la bienvenida a las preguntas brillantes. Es más, casi no hay figuras trascendentes del pueblo hebreo que en algún momento no las hayan formulado. Y no solo Moisés tuvo dudas, sino que hasta el Nazareno en la cruz llegó a interrogar al Creador con su célebre Aví, Aví, ¿lama azavtani?, "Padre mío, padre mío, ¿por qué me abandonaste?".[CB62]

En Beit Alfa, Marianos y Janina lanzan una sorprendente paradoja visual ante nosotros y ella parece preguntarnos, una y otra vez: ¿moda astrológica o judaísmo comprometido?, ¿ancestral monoteísmo o esoterísmo idolátrico?, ¿juegos de poder o constancia espiritual?, ¿real conocimiento o supertichería desopilante?, ¿el sol personificado o el hombre trascendente?, ¿ Elías o Helios?

Y tan efectivo es su cuestionamiento que, pasados ya mil quinientos años, investigadores y expertos de todo el globo aún hoy intentan formular una interpretación satisfactoria y contundente para con el no tan ingenuo cuestionamiento de Beit Alfa.

Es allí, en el medio de la sinagoga y precisamente entre la prueba de fe a la que es sometido Abraham y el Templo venidero que habla de Redención donde, por así decirlo, inesperadamente se bifurca el camino y lo familiar se vuelve inquietante. ¿Por qué?

Diría Ortega y Gasset:

La suerte de la cultura, el destino del hombre, depende de que en el fondo de nuestro ser mantengamos siempre vivaz esta dramática conciencia y, como un contrapunto murmurante en nuestras entrañas, sintamos bien que sólo nos es segura la inseguridad.[OT63]

Luego de setenta años de haber sido expresada, la paradójica explicación de Ortega es aún hoy tan vigente como lo fue en 1939. Y, con todo, ella no pretende ser justificación ninguna de un posible abandono de las responsabilidades del hombre íntegro en este mundo.

Existe un conocido refrán que afirma que el hombre propone y Dios dispone. Indudablemente en un contexto judío, tal refrán jamás podría llegar a asumir la siguiente forma: el hombre propone pero solo después de haber Dios predeterminado su destino. Ya que, categóricamente, el judaísmo rechaza desde siempre toda predestinación, en tanto que persistentemente le indica al hombre su libre albedrío: no le habla de limitaciones esotéricas a las que podría estar sujeto, sino que le recuerda su inherente potencial y el haber sido hecho a imagen y semejanza del Creador, estimulándolo a ser sujeto.

La paradójica imaginería del segundo panel de Beit Alfa posee su propia razón de ser. Ella no es ni decorativa ni astrológica, sino dialéctica e interrogante. Ajena a las nociones de dogma y misterio, la imaginería desarrollada por Marianos y Janina en Beit Alfa involucra la presencia de un elocuente simbolismo hebraico y presenta a su vez la particularidad de abrir las válvulas del pensamiento y el autocuestionamiento: ellas son indispensables para quienes, como Elías, experimentan la elevación en virtud de su propia fe e integridad.


Notas y referencias

AM. Reflejo de ello son las siguientes consideraciones: The Torah states (Deuteronomy 18:10) “There shall not be found among you one who calculates times.” The Talmud, in the name of Rabbi Akiva, specifically applies this prohibition to one who calculates auspicious times, meaning that one should not make astrology a dominant influence in one’s daily life and predictions through astrology are forbidden. Therefore one should not use horoscopes to determine one’s future actions, though it is permitted to do character analyzes through astrology. | It is the prevalent custom that on a happy occasion such as a birth, one wishes “Mazal tov” indicating the wish that the planetary influence on the child should be a good one. Yet we are not slaves to the planets, as the Torah states, “You shall be perfect with the L-rd your G-d” (Deuteronomy 18:13). This means that the more we perfect our relationship with the spiritual dimension, the more G-d is going to aid us in changing the natural course of events. This makes any action based on astrological predictions needless. It states clearly in the Talmud that “Ein Mazal LeYisroel” or “there is no Mazal for the Jewish people.” This simply means that the Jewish people as a whole were lifted above the Mazalot by virtue of their receiving the Torah (Angels and Mazalot).

43. Ecclesiastés 3. En lo que se refiere al fenomenología de lo uno y lo otro en teología, véase Patrimonio e Identidad.

44. La figura de Helios atravezando los cielos tiene sus raíces en el arte clásico:

Helios en la cuadriga. Detalle de cerámica griega del siglo V AEC. Museo Británico, Londres

45. En Roma, hacia el año 270 CE, Aureliano ascendió al dios sol al rango de mayor divinidad del Imperio; se lo conocía por aquel entonces como "Sol Invictus".

46. La composición del mosaico de Münster-Sarmsheim es única en Alemania (Klaus Parlasca, Die römischen Mosaiken in Deutschland, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1959, p. 88). Con todo, la posición central de la cuadriga y la distribución de los motivos zodiacos en la rueda que la circunda establecen una afinidad compositiva entre los mosaicos de Münster-Sarmsheim y Beit Alfa.

47. La rueda con una distribución de los motivos zodiacos organizados en sentido antihorario e idéntica a aquellas de los mosaicos de Münster-Sarmsheim y Beit Alfa será posteriormente retomada en un manuscrito islámico miniado.

Zodíaco en un manuscrito árabe, posiblemente del siglo XVI

48. En "The Zodiac and Other Greco-Roman Motifs in Jewish Art", Lee I. Levine escribe que Tiberias fue sitio del patriarcado judío durante los períodos tardo-romano y bizantino, indicando además al mosaico sinagogal de Hammat Tiberias como el principal referente de los todos demás mosaicos sinagogales realizados en Tierra Santa entre los siglos IV y VII EC  (Contextualizing Jewish Art y Art Historical Issues). Incluyo dos imágenes del mosaico de Hammat Tiberias, cuyo panel superior con el Templo venidero también es importante para el mosaico de Beit Alfa:


49. Steven Fine, Art and Judaism in the Greco-Roman World, pp. 198, 204.

50. En el mosaico de Beit Alfa, sagitario no es representado por un centauro sino por un joven arquero; semejante es el caso capricornio, motivo actualmente muy deteriorado, pero que otrora involucraba una cabra en lugar del conocido híbrido que combina la cabra con el pez, para formar así una cabra marina. En este sentido, el mosaico de Beit Alfa es mucho más hebraico que sus pares de Zippori y Hammat Tiberias: ambos presentan híbridos de origen pagano.



51. Distribución antihoraria del ciclo zodíaco:

Antiguo graffiti romano, probablemente s. I EC.

Cielorraso pétreo del Templo de Bel, Palmira, siglos I-II EC.

Basado en una imagen del siglo III EC (Levine, AHI, p. 324, fig. 113). El ordenamiento de la rueda zodiaca en sentido antihorario y circundando a Helios al atravesar el firmamento en su cuadriga se da en el Zodiakon, la tabla astronómica del Tetrabiblos de Ptolomeo, manuscrito bizantino del siglo IX EC (Roma, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vaticanus graecus 1291, fol.9).

52. Eleazar Lipa Sukenik, The Ancient Synagogue of Beth Alpha, Gorgias Press, 1932, p. 38: "Es difícil comprender por qué motivo los artífices de Beit Alfa no representaron las estaciones del año junto a sus meses correspondientes."

53. Steven Fine, Art and Judaism in the Greco-Roman World, p. 198, donde considera que es a través del uso de inscripciones hebreas que los motivos del zodiaco fueron "judaizados" en Tierra Santa.

54. Rachel Hachlili, The Zodiac in Ancient Jewish Sinagogal Art, p. 235: "According to the Jewish calendar the twelve [Hebrew] months correspond exactly to the zodiacal signs". En la misma página, la autora indica que el listado más temprano de la sucesión de los meses del calendario judío figura en Meguilá Ta'anit, redactada en el siglo I-II EC.

55. Las personificaciones de tishri (otoño) y tamuz (verano) exhiben una considerable diversidad de frutos de estación, nisan (primavera) porta una flor, en tanto que tevet (invierno) carece de atributos. Junto a tishri (otoño) y nisan (primavera) pueden por otra parte verse dos pajaritos que aluden a los movimientos migratorios aviarios que en Tierra Santa pueden ser observados precisamente en dichos períodos.

56. Joseph Campbell, The Mythic Image, Princeton UP, 1974.

57. Por esta razón, ideal sería aquí poder aplicar los asuntos considerados en el tratado Shabat 75a junto con la postura de Avi-Yonah, quien sostiene que no debe restarse importancia a la estrecha relación entre el orden de las constelaciones estelares y el calendario hebreo (Fine, Art and Judaism in the Greco-Roman World, p. 200). Pero lamentablemente ello aquí no es el caso en cuestión.

58. Si en el segundo panel de Beit Alfa mantuviésemos, por ejemplo, las personificaciones angulares de las estaciones del año en sus posiciones originales, pero a su vez rotásemos la rueda zodiacal 150° en sentido antihorario, el mosaico recobraría su sentido útil, tanto en términos astronómicos como agrícolas.


Izquierda: el mosaico original, verdadero dolor de cabeza de invesigadores e intérpretes. Derecha: el mosaico virtual o la versión funcional del mosaico.

En un calendario operativo, el inicio del año nuevo judío (rosh hashaná) coincidiría entonces con el equinoccio de otoño y libra se encontraría en tishri, el solsticio de invierno se daría en tevet y sería a su vez coincidente con capricornio, el equinoccio de primavera tendría lugar en aviv junto con aries, y el solsticio de verano ocurriría cuando cáncer se encontrase en tamuz.


El círculo blanco indica el inicio del año según el calendario judío; el círculo gris señala el comienzo del año según el calendario gregoriano.

Texto médico-astrológico de Melothesia, Norte de Italia, siglo XI. París, Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms lat 7028, fol. 154r. Esta imagen no solo presenta los componentes básicos del mosaico de Beit Alfa, sino que además los períodos zodíacos son aquí consistentes con las estaciones del año.

La lógica considerada se da en un manuscrito italiano, ejecutado sólo cinco siglos después del mosaico de Beit Alfa. Nótese que ambos casos poseen un ser principal rodeado por la rueda zodíaca antihoraria e involucran personificaciones de las estaciones del año. En el denominado Texto médico-astrológico de Melothesia, las personificaciones de las estaciones del año están distribuidas tal como sucede en Beit Alfa. Con todo, la distribución de los motivos zodíacos no se corresponde con aquella que originalmente establecieron los artistas de Beit Alfa, aunque sí tiende a coincidir con nuestra recientemente propuesta distribución basada en una rotación antihoraria de 150°.

El calendario propuesto podría además ser fácilmente adaptado para responder incluso a las realidad lunisolar del hemisferio sur:


60. El esquema tripartito de composición se da en los mosaicos de Tierra Santa ya desde el siglo IV EC, empleándose tanto en ámbitos públicos como privados. Ejemplo de esto último es el mosaico en estilo romano hallado en Lod (Lydda), cuyos lineamientos compositivos tienden en términos generales a ser prefigurativos de aquellos del mosaico de Beit Alfa.


Para un debate, véanse el sitio del Mosaico de Lod y el artículo de C.S. Lightfoot



--

OG. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Geschichte der alten Welt, 1826: „Ich bekenne mich zu dem Geschlecht, das aus dem Dunkel ins Helle strebt" (Goethe, Sämmtliche Werke, Tétot, 1836, vol. 5, p. 118; frecuentemente citado por Ortega y Gasset; Julián Marías: Ortega ante Goethe).

CU59. En este sentido, Steven Fine tiene razón cuando considera que importante era en ese entonces la asociación entre el zodiaco y el calendario hebreo, ya que expresaba el significado genérico del ciclo del tiempo que transcurre y funcionaba a su vez como una proyección de la cúpula celestial, dando lugar a numerosas posibles interpretaciones; la adopción de la rueda zodiaca, entre otras cosas, era a su vez un modo mediante el cual los judíos de los siglos IV-VIII EC se diferenciaban de quienes no lo eran y funcionaba también como un símbolo recordatorio del pacto entre el Creador y su pueblo . Con todo, su afirmación de que los judíos bizantinos llevaron a cabo "pronósticos astrológicos" es una idea que no trasciende el área de la suposición (Art and Judaism in the Greco-Roman World, pp. 204-5).

BG61. En el mundo clásico el zodiaco simbolizaba los cielos. Apta es por lo tanto la aproximación de Bernard Goldman cuando explica que, introduciendo la rueda zodiacal en sus diseños, los artistas transformaron el firmamento en un diagrama celestial capaz de expresar las dimensiones cósmicas de la oración. Según Goldman, el uso del zodiaco en las sinagogas del período bizantino y luego en el arte judío europeo es un claro indicio de la importancia simbólica que se le otorgaba al zodiaco, mas en términos estrictamente metafísicos (The Sacred Portal: A Primary Symbol in Ancient Judaic Art, Detroit: Wayne UP, 1966, pp. 60-61, 64).

CB62. Acerca de la presencia y reconsideración de Jesús en la cultura judía, véase La Crucifixión Blanca.

OT63. José Ortega y Gasset, "El hombre y la gente: ensimismamiento y alteración", disertación, Buenos Aires, 1939 (Ensimismamiento y alteración: meditación de la técnica, Buenos Aires: Espasa-Calpe Argentina, 1939; Obras Completas, Madrid: Alianza Editorial-Revista de Occidente, 1983, vol. VII, p. 90).


.....


Recursos disponibles online

Conferencia UniRio

Helios and Beth Alpha, antología de textos en inglés
Mosaic Musings, acerca del panel con el Sacrificio de Isaac
Ancient menorahs
Chorazim, Capernaum, Hammat Tiberias; Beth Alpha, Sepphoris, Ein Gedi, sobre las antiguas sinagogas de Tierra Santa
Iconography, álbum de base para el desarrollo de estudios iconográficos
• Rachel Hachlili, Ancient Mosaic Pavements, Leiden y Boston: Brill, 2009
• Lee I Levine, The Zodiac and Other Greco-Roman Motifs in Jewish Art, Art Historical Issues, 16, Harvard, pp. 317-36. Contexto general arte-histórico y Hammat Tiberias como prototipo. El zodiaco y demás motivos grecorromanos en el arte judío, pp. 317-322; el zodíaco y sus variantes en el mundo helenístico-romano, pp. 322-326; adopción judía del zodiaco en el período bizantino, pp. 326-329; el zodiaco de Hammat Tiberias como prototipo, pp. 329-336.
• Levine, Contextualizing Jewish Art, pp. 97-115. Hammat Tiberias y su contexto histórico. Tiberias, pp. 97-103; Helios el ethos religioso-cultural y en los siglos III-IV EC, pp. 103-108; Julián y el Patriarcado, pp. 108-110; Publicación del calendario, 358-359 EC, pp. 110-115.
Helios
Elijah
Symbiosis
Calendario hebreo
Hebrew-Jewish Calendar
Hebrew Calendar
El calendario hebreo


......

encuadra
sustenta

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____

A CONSIDERAR Y/O DESARROLLAR

Como nota Levine, una lectura apta del mosaico de Beit Alfa debe considerar su composición tripartita, por lo que tal lectura no puede sino involucrar a los tres paneles sinagogales.

Verificar - Salmos 19:1-4; Gen 1:14-17.

Ezekiel’s vision involving the wheel within a wheel.

Aunque lampiño en el mosaico de Beit Alfa, el profeta hebreo carece de su respetable barba, pero porta no obstante una corona de la que emanan siete rayos luminosos.

Arte figurativo emergió luego de la destrucción del Templo.

Rabbinical evidence suggests that figurative art was tolerated if it did not encourage cultic worship.

No existe una ley que prohiba la representación de temas religiosos.

Mosaico como sistema simbólico. Orden alusivo que responde a un concepto o representación poético-teológica.

ASTRONOMICUS. Ordenamiento en panel II responde a simbolismo astronómico

Constelación de Cáncer. Cáncer es el 4° mes del calendario astrológico. En la Antigüedad, el solsticio de verano en el hemisferio norte se producía cuando el sol estaba en conjunción con la constelación de cáncer, durante el mes de junio. A partir del solsticio de junio los días son más largos y por lo tanto hay más luz. Cáncer es una constelación boreal, su aparición es el preludio del verano.

Constelación de Capricornio. Capricornio es el 10° mes del calendario astrológico. En la Antigüedad, el solsticio de invierno en el hemisferio norte se producía cuando el sol estaba en conjunción con la constelación de capricornio, durante el mes de diciembre. A partir del solsticio de diciembre los días son más cortos y por lo tanto hay menos luz. Capricornio es una constelación austral, su aparición es el preludio del invierno.

El anillo zodíaco es de naturaleza astronómica y hace referencia a constelaciones que pueden ser percibidas (cosa diferente a una naturaleza astrológica que haría referencia a signos que darían lugar a procedimientos adivinatorios). Se trata de una rueda cósmica (y no una rueda astrológica).

el núcleo está dedicado al día que emerge - la luz que prevalece sobre las tinieblas.
la rueda cósmica tiene que ver con la división de los meses
las estaciones tienen que ver con las tareas del año

los tres aluden al tiempo, al transcurso del tiempo.

VERIFICAR
Cáncer. Durante el solsticio de invierno/diciembre la puesta del sol alcanza su punto más al norte
Capricornio. Durante el solsticio de invierno/diciembre la puesta del sol alcanza su punto más al sur

...

Zodiac
Celestial sphere
Esfera celeste
Planetary models

Trópico
cáncer
tropique du cancer
trópico de cáncer
capricornio
tropique du capricorne
trópico de capricornio

Astronomía
Historia de la astronomía
Astronomia pretelescopica
Armonia de las esferas
Euxodus of Cnidus, s IV BCE
Eratostenes, s. II-II BCE
Ptolomeo, siglo II
Sistema de Ptolomeo
Almagesto
Geocentrismus
Teoria geocentrica
grabado geocentrico
Hipatia, siglo IV-V



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Antología de textos en inglés



The Ancient Synagogue of Beth Alpha: An Account of the Excavations Conducted on Behalf of the Hebrew University, Jerusalem: Georgias Press, 1932. "The Beth Alpha synagogue mosaic is one of the most striking examples of ancient Jewish art ever uncovered. Excavated in 1929 by E. L. Sukenik on behalf of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, this mosaic provoked an immediate sensation among scholars and lay people throughout Jewish Palestine, Europe and America. Located in Israel's Jezreel Valley, this remarkable mosaic preserves images of the Binding of Isaac (Exodus 22), of a zodiac wheel flanked by personifications of the seasons that was labeled in Hebrew, and of a Torah shrine flanked by menorahs and lions." "The discovery of the Beth Alpha synagogue mosaic was a milestone in the development of scholarly and popular consciousness of the significance of ancient Jewish art within Jewish [...] culture and within the Greco-Roman context. Sukenik's masterful and beautifully produced final report is of abiding scholarly value, and will interest all who take an interest in Jewish history, art and culture" (book jacket).



Walter Zanger, Jewish Worship, Pagan Symbols: Zodiac Mosaics in Ancient Synagogues (2012), Biblical Archaeology, 24.8.2014

What had they found? Could this have been the temple of a Jewish community (it had to be Jewish; everything was written in Hebrew and Aramaic) turned pagan? Further digging dispelled that notion, for there, just above the central square of the mosaic, they found a mosaic panel of symbols instantly familiar to any Jew of that century (or this): the Ark of the Covenant (aron kodesh), eternal light (ner tamid), seven-branched candelabrum (menorah), palm frond (lulav), citron (etrog), and an incense shovel (mahta).2

... closer to the front door, they uncovered a scene easily recognizable to anyone who knows the Bible. We are in Genesis 22, and Abraham is about to sacrifice Isaac. In case we might have forgotten our Bible class, the names of the principals—Abraham, Isaac and the ram—are spelled out in inscriptions above their heads, and the hand of God stopping the sacrifice is clearly marked with the words “do not put forth your hand [against the lad].”

So this was definitely a synagogue, a Jewish house of worship, in a basilica building that dates to about 520 C.E.3 The building was destroyed in an earthquake soon after it was built,4 hence the near-perfect preservation of its mosaic floor; their misfortune became our good fortune. And because Beth Alpha is the best preserved of the seven synagogues we know, we use it here as the basis for our discussion.5

Now, of course, we have problems. We know that Jewish life moved to the Galilee after the total destruction of Jewish Jerusalem that followed the Bar-Kokhba Revolt of the 130s C.E. We are, therefore, not surprised to have found—and to keep finding—synagogues from the following centuries all over the Galilee and Golan. It isn’t the synagogues themselves that are the problem; it is the decorations in them. What in heaven’s name were they doing? How could they be making pictures, especially in the synagogue? Didn’t they know the second commandment?

"You shall not make for yourself a graven image or any likeness of what is in the heavens above or on the earth below or in the waters under the earth. You shall not bow down to them or serve them" (Exodus 20:4–5)

That problem is not as formidable as it first appears. The second commandment can be read in several ways because the Hebrew original of this text is entirely without vowels and punctuation points. We, writing English, have put in a period after the word “earth.”6 But if the period weren’t there, the verse could be read as a long conditional clause: “make no graven images … which you worship.” In this case it’s not the making that is prohibited, but the worshiping. Historically, the Jewish community often understood that it was acceptable to make images as long as one doesn’t worship them. And there is, consequently, a long and varied history of Jewish art, beginning with the cherubim over the Ark in the desert (Exodus 25:18), recorded presumably not long after the giving of the Commandments, and without protest.

A second problem is less easily resolved. The zodiac is pagan religion. It is what we see in the horoscope in every weekend newspaper on earth, generally the stuff of amusement. We know this system; it is based on the (extraordinary) assumption that the stars control the earth and that what happens on earth is a result of influences from what happens in the sky. All we need in order to understand the earth (that is, about our destiny) is to understand the stars. If, according to this view, one knows the exact date and time of one’s birth, and can chart the exact position of the heavenly bodies at that moment, then forevermore one knows what is fortunate, unfortunate, worth doing, worth avoiding, wise, unwise, etc. Our universe, therefore, is fixed and determined. There are no values, no good, no evil and no repentance. We live in a great mechanical machine of a cosmos.

The conflict of interest is obvious, and we are not surprised to learn that Jews detested that idea. For if the cosmos is like that, why do we need God giving the Law to Moses on Mt. Sinai? The Christians also had their own very strong reservations. If the cosmos is like that, who needed God to sacrifice His son for the sins of the world? Who indeed? The early Church in fact absolutely prohibited the making of zodiacs, and there is not one zodiac mosaic in a church that dates before the Middle Ages, and very few even then. The zodiac/horoscope perception is the antithesis and enemy of monotheistic religion. An ancient and honorable enemy, to be sure, far older than Judaism and Christianity, but still the enemy.

It is true that one who goes through Jewish literature with a fine-tooth comb can find a citation here and there that seems to recognize the phenomenon of mosaic decoration, presumably zodiac, in synagogues. “In the days of Rabbi Abun they began depicting figures in mosaic and he did not protest against it.”7 More to the point, we find a line in Aramaic translation, “… you may place a mosaic pavement impressed with figures and images in the floors of synagogue; but not for bowing down to it.”8 There is even a Midrash that attempts to justify the zodiac phenomenon: “The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to him [Abraham]: just as the zodiac [mazalot] surrounds me, and my glory is in the center, so shall your descendants multiply and camp under many flags, with my shekhina in the center.”9

But this is surely grasping at straws. The odd line here and there accounts for nothing in view of the overwhelming opposition in rabbinic literature to anything related to the making of pictures of any sort, and doubly so the fierce opposition to anything suggesting idolatry and pagan worship. Indeed, one of the ways to say “pagan” in rabbinical Hebrew is by the abbreviation עכומ[ (ovedei kokhavim u-mazalot,”worshipers of stars and constellations”). The rabbis of the Talmud recognized the popularity of astrology and were even prepared to admit that there might be truth in its predictions, but opposed the whole endeavor on principle. Ein mazal le-Yisrael (literally, “Israel has no constellation”) is perhaps the most commonly quoted opinion on the subject,10 but it is only one of many.

All the more are we astonished by the figure of Helios, Sol Invictus, pagan god of the sun, riding his quadriga right through the middle of the synagogue! This doesn’t look like it belongs here. And we need to ask again, what was this all about?

To set our minds at rest (for the time being), we can say what all this wasn’t. It could not have been astrology (predicting the future, etc.) and it could not have been scientific astronomy, because the seasons in the corners are in the wrong places. The upper right corner at Beth Alpha is marked טבת (Tevet), the winter month, and the upper left corner ניסן (Nissan) the month of Passover in spring. But between them you have the zodiac sign of Cancer, the Crab, which falls in mid-summer, not early spring. The same thing with the sign for Libra, the Scales. The mosaic has placed it between the spring and summer seasons, whereas it belongs in the fall. Clumsy astronomy.

The conclusion is inescapable: whoever did this mosaic hadn’t a clue about real astronomy or astrology, doubtless because he was a Jew and couldn’t care less.11

For the same reason, this mosaic floor could not have been a calendar, an idea that has been suggested by several important scholars of the subject.12 The incorrect placement of the seasons would have made that completely impossible.

Then perhaps it’s all just decoration, pretty pictures, the common designs of the era. That is the most common explanation, the one found in guide books. But it can’t be true. In the first place, the designs were by no means common in the Byzantine era. The Church, as stated, absolutely banned their use. More important, these signs are too loaded with meaning. We might argue “pretty pictures” if Beth Alpha were a solitary, unique find. We could then, at best, say that we had found here a group of Jews who had become so Hellenized that they had slipped over into paganism. But Beth Alpha is not unique; we will visit half a dozen other synagogues before we’re done. In addition, we have found hundreds of Jewish tombstones and catacombs from all over the Roman Empire. And despite the fact that there are countless millions of possible symbols, forms, designs, pictures, animals, etc. they could have used, the fact is that they all use the same 10-12 symbols.13 We are forced to conclude that these were more than pretty pictures.

...

The evidence indicates that we are in the presence of a mystical Hellenistic-Byzantine Jewish tradition, a tradition that Talmudic Judaism either ignored or suppressed,29 a tradition we would not know anything about (for it left no literature) were it not for the discovery of this artwork, these symbols.30 The mosaics are in fact the literature of the movement. We need to learn how to read them.

Historically, the mosaics were made at a time when what is sometimes called normative, or Talmudic, Judaism—the Judaism of the rabbis—was just developing. And it was going a different way.31 We might say that Talmudic Judaism was moving horizontally: A man walks a path, with God giving him the Law to tell him what to do and what not to do, how to stay straight on the path and not stray off. God is pleased when man obeys and angry when he disobeys. This is the religion of the Hebrew Bible, and it is what normative Judaism became in the Talmud, the Middle Ages and, for the most part, up to our own time.

But there was, and still is, a different kind of religion, much older than the Judaism we have just described. We can call it vertical. Men always knew that their life depended on higher powers. First and most obvious, life depended on nature—on seed and growth, rain, sun, moon, land, wind and fire. That was natural religion; it was what primitive man did. It was only a short step from there to making each of these elements into a god. Ancient man thus prayed to rain and sacrificed to earth, worshiped the moon and adored the sun.

The cosmos was chaotic at first. The gods were busy having arguments (and orgies) with each other. In between the arguments they could torture and abuse men, and seduce women as they liked. But nature became orderly as the Greeks developed science—biology, astronomy and physics—and tamed the cosmos. They defined the forces influencing other forces; wind influences clouds, clouds influence rain, rain influences earth, and earth influences men. Thus the ladder of cosmic power was taking shape.
On this issue there is bad news and good news. The bad news is that the regular cycle of nature was pretty grim, not to mention completely predestined. There was no good and no evil—no value—which is why the Jews never bought into it. The good news is that the cosmos was also consoling. Nature was no longer random or dependent on the whim of the gods. Indeed, the regularity of the cycle of growth and death and rebirth in nature did give hope for immortality.32 And when Greek philosophy, following Plato, organized the forms and powers into a proper hierarchy, with the Highest Form, the First Uncaused Cause, being God, then the spiritual ladder was firmly in place.

And that, we suggest, is what they were doing by walking into the synagogue. We see the worshipers climbing the mystical ladder from the mundane and transient things down here at the entrance—who made the floor, when, and how much it cost—to a union with God at His holy Ark up there at the far end.

The first step was through our righteous ancestors. Their good deeds atone for our sins.34 Then, as we walk farther into the synagogue, we begin to climb the ladder, encountering the earth and its seasons. We are among friends; the seasons have friendly, sometimes smiling, women’s faces. We progress even higher, through the stars and constellations (the Hebrew word mazal, “constellation,” means luck). But the vertical path of Jewish mysticism is beyond luck, beyond the stars. It is beyond even the strongest and most fearful of all natural powers, the sun. Here is the sun, indeed at the center of the universe, in a chariot controlled by a charioteer,35 in a vision recalling Ezekiel’s vision of the divine chariot (Ezekiel 1). The charioteer is God,36 in control of the four horses, over and above the stars and the constellations, that is, over fate and destiny. This is the God who rules over the moon and the seasons, the rain, the land and the elements. Four elements like the four horses: earth, air, fire and water. This is the God who has graciously made a covenant and given Torah to His people Israel, whose sins are atoned for by the righteousness of their ancestors.

And that understanding brought the worshiper to the holy symbols of the synagogue, which is God’s house. That is why, in all of the synagogue mosaic panels37 depicting the symbols of God’s house, the Ark of the Covenant is always in the center of its panel, and the panel is always located right at the foot of the Ark itself.

We have come through our stages of ascent. We are in front of the Ark, the dwelling place of God’s Torah. Yet the door is always closed. God, inside, is still a mystery. But our long mystical journey to salvation is almost over.

notes

2 The incense shovel was a universally recognized Jewish symbol in the Byzantine era. It disappeared from the Jewish iconographic lexicon because the Jews stopped using incense when the Christians started.

3 The Aramaic inscription at the front door was damaged. It says that the mosaic was made “during the … year of the reign of the emperor Justinus”. The exact year is missing. The reference is probably to the emperor Justin I (adopted uncle and immediate predecessor of Justinian the Great) who ruled from 518-527 C.E. and whose coins were found on the site. It is of course possible that the building was older than the mosaic floor.

4 The earliest possible “candidate” was a major quake that hit the country on July 9, 551. It was the earthquake that finally destroyed Petra. More likely was an earthquake of lesser magnitude but located closer to the site which did great damage to the Jordan Valley in 659/660.

5 We have not entered into a discussion of the artistic merits of this work of art. It is the writer’s opinion that this work, with its naive and primitive style, has a child-like immediacy and freshness that makes it one of the masterpieces of world art.

6 Thus the new JPS Tanakh. The King James translation puts a colon after the word “earth”, while the New American Bible (Catholic) and the Revised Standard Version (Protestant) translations both use a semi-colon instead of period at this point.

7 From a Geniza manuscript of JT Avoda Zarah

8 In the Pseudo-Jonathan Targum to Lev. 26:1

9 From a Geniza fragment of Midrash Deut. Rabba) These quotations are cited by Michael Klein, “Palestinian Targum and Synagogue Mosaics,” Jerusalem, Immanuel 11 (1980)

10 The matter is discussed in BT Shabbat, 156a

11 At Beth Alpha the signs and the seasons both progress counter-clockwise, although they are misaligned. The Hammat Tiberias zodiac shows both signs and seasons also rotating counter-clockwise, and in correct alignment with each other. At Na’aran the seasons run counter-clockwise, as above, but the signs go clockwise!

12 That position was argued by Prof. Avi-Yonah, among many others, and by the excavator of Hammat Tiberias. See Moshe Dothan, Hammath Tiberias, (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1983). Hammat Tiberias is the only mosaic we know where the signs and seasons are correctly aligned, which may have influenced the excavator’s judgment as to its purpose

13 The cataloging of all of these finds and the interpretation of what they might mean constitute the magnum opus of Erwin Goodenough (1893-1965), Professor of Religion at Yale and one of the greatest scholars of religion America ever produced. Goodenough’s 13 volume study, E.R. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period, (New York: Pantheon, 1958), form the core text for the study of this subject, Everyone who has subsequently dealt with the subject is in his debt. The book has been re-issued in a 1-volume paperback, abridged and edited by Jacob Neusner (Princeton: Bollingen Series, 1988)

29 Only the works of Philo and Josephus, together with some mystical apocalypses, survive as the literature from the Hellenistic Jewish world. They survive because of the Christians, who preserved them, not the Jews, who ignored them. There is no other mystical literature from the period of the mosaic making which might help us understand what the mosaic makers meant to say.

30 It would be a safe bet to say that 9 out of 10 Jews living today (especially orthodox Jews) don’t know, and never knew, that such a Judaism ever existed.

31 This formulation, from Goodenough (q.v.), ch. 1, has been extraordinarily useful to this writer.

32 The Jews were not much interested in immortality, but everybody else was!

33 We are not surprised to discover that the oldest known manifestation of what we might call “religion” is the decorated skull of an ancestor found under the floor of a house in pre-pottery Neolithic Jericho.

34 There are any number of examples of pious Jews venerating the tombs of saints and forefathers. A visit to any tomb of a holy man in the Galilee, to Elijah’s cave on Mt. Carmel, or indeed to a cemetery where someone of special interest to one or another Hassidic group is buried provides a fascinating glimpse into a Judaism which we of the liberated western world did not know still existed.

35 The origin and symbolism of the Divine quadriga and its connection to merkava mysticism are discussed in a monograph by James Russell in the Jewish Studies Quarterly, vol. 4, no. 4, (Tubingen 1997).

36 We recall that in the Zippori zodiac the quadriga is driven by the sun itself, without the figure of a man. Compare Is.60:19ff.

37 Some ancient synagogues, as in Beth-Shean, show only the synagogue panel without any of the other elements.



Nothing is known about the identity of the community that built the Beit Alfa Synagogue. All the information we have is on what remains of the synagogue inscriptions. An Aramaic inscription tells us that the synagogue was built during the reign of Justinian I and funded by communal donations. In times of Emperor Justinian, the Jews in Palestine were a minority amongst other cultures. A Greek inscription thanks “Marianos and his son Hanina” for their artwork. Both of them are again mentioned on the nearby Beit Shean Synagogue as well.

The northern panel of the mosaic shows the famous biblical scene of the Binding of Isaac. The mosaic depicts the moment before God stops Abraham from sacrificing Isaac. Abraham is shown dangling Isaac over the altar, while the ram substitute waits nearby.

The floor of the Beit Alfa Synagogue is most famous for its large Zodiac wheel. The Zodiac, originally a Persian symbol, was “converted” by the Jews of the Byzantine period and infused with Jewish meaning. The vibrantly colorful Zodiac wheel surrounds the Greco-Roman sun god, Helios. Helios is riding a fiery chariot and crowned with sun rays.

The southern panel features a depiction of a synagogue, complete with a Torah shrine flanked by two roaring lions and a seven-branched menorah. Some scholars believe that the mosaic is a rendering of the actual Beit Alfa Synagogue as it looked in the Byzantine period (SIT).



Mike Rogoff, Pagan Deities in Ancient Synagogues, Ha'aretz, 26.1.2015

“Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven image, nor any manner of likeness…” proclaimed the Voice out of the fire and smoke at Mount Sinai. Yet ancient craftsmen, working in the biblical Land of Israel almost two millennia after Moses, were apparently undeterred by the Divine injunction. Their synagogue mosaic floors, unearthed by modern archaeologists, boast human images and – yes – even pagan deities. Such as the Sun God.
The two best-preserved of the synagogue mosaics are the exquisite figures in Hammat Tiberias (4th century C.E.), overlooking the Sea of Galilee, and the child-like but charming art of Beit Alfa (6th century C.E., shown above), at the foot of Mt. Gilboa.
There can be no doubt about their identity as synagogue interiors: Each has Aramaic inscriptions, characteristic Jewish motifs like seven-branched menorahs, rams’ horns, lions, a synagogue holy ark, the lulav and etrog used on Sukkot (the Feast of Tabernacles), incense pans used in the long-gone Temple, and, at Beit Alfa, a scene of the biblical Binding of Isaac, with Hebrew captions.

What is astonishing at both sites is the large centerpiece, depicting the wheel of the zodiac, a blatantly Hellenistic-Roman device. [...] Four female figures, representing the four seasons of the year (often with their season’s bounty at hand), inhabit the corners of the square frame. Several of the 12 signs of the zodiac are human, with two in Hammat Tiberias – Libra and Aquarius – fully naked.

But the real surprise lies at the center of the wheel. Here, in the very heart of the synagogues, is a representation of Helios, the Greek sun god, in the form of a charioteer, whip in hand, riding his four-horse quadriga across the sky. [...]

Hammat Tiberias illustrates the point. In the 4th century C.E., the nearby city of Tiberias was the seat of the Sanhedrin, the Jewish High Court, and the center for the compilation of the so-called Jerusalem Talmud. It seems unlikely that the Jewish religious establishment would have tolerated such pagan artwork on its doorstep unless it fell within the acceptable boundaries of the day.
The suggestion that the zodiac-and-Helios phenomenon might represent a regional aberration is not consistent with the wide geographical spread of known synagogue zodiacs. Three were found in the middle north of the country (Hammat Tiberias, Beit Alfa and Zippori), one near Jericho, one on Mount Carmel, one in the Hebron Hills, and another at Ein Gedi (near the Dead Sea), which lists the signs but doesn’t depict them.

There is a view that the zodiac was used as an astrological calendar. Indeed, there are literary hints that some belief in the influence of heavenly bodies was not alien to the Jewish mind at certain periods, but it never crossed the line to becoming a tenet of faith. An obstacle to the theory is that on some zodiac synagogue floors, the months are consistent with the turn of the seasons (giving support to the calendar idea), while others are oddly unsynchronized (suggesting that the artists were casual about the cosmology since the representation was meant to be decorative and purely symbolic).
The symbolists might claim that the whole Hellenistic-Roman motif merely represents the orderly cycle of the universe: season follows season (the female figures), month follows month (the signs of the zodiac), and day follows day (Helios, personifying the life-giving sun).
Jews recognized, of course, that the universe is entirely in the hands of the Creator; but since any representation of Him was the most severe prohibition of all, they adopted and adapted a long-popular Mediterranean design to convey the idea. There was no veneration of the pagan deities or celestial bodies – after all, the congregation routinely tramped over them – and thus no violation of the second part of the Second Commandment: “…thou shalt not bow down unto them, nor serve them.”



Helios. A Greek solar deity drove a fiery chariot through the heaven by day, but at night floated back across the ocean in a golden bowl.

Zodiac signs. The Babylonian signs of the constellations, as used by the Greeks and Romans became commonly known as Zodiac signs (“small animals,” in Greek). They were adopted by the Jews during the Babylonian exile and continued to be used for the lunar cycle of the year. The Hebrew names for the signs were mostly translated from the Latin. However, the names of the months and their correlation with particular signs originated in Babylon (JT. RH. 1:2). Since the Romans and Christians adopted the solar year cycle, the Latin names of the months and the beginning of the year and of each month do not correspond, neither do the signs of the Zodiac correlate exactly with the Hebrew ones. The Christian cycle, for example, starts with the month of January and the sign of Capricorn whereas the Hebrew cycle starts with the month of Nisan and the sign of lamb. The depiction of the Zodiac signs in Jewish art vary from those in Roman and Christian cycles. The Aries=ram is replaced by a lamb, Sagittarius by a bow and arrow, Capricorn is depicted as a kid of goats and Aquarius as a bucket. In Antiquity the Zodiac signs appear mainly on synagogue floors, encircling Helios driving his chariot as Sol Invictus, with the personification of the four Seasons in the spandrels. This complex is at times depicted next to salvation scenes such as the Sacrifice of Isaac and Daniel in the lions’ den, or Sanctuary implements expressing hopes of rebuilding the destroyed Temple. Some Zodiac signs are depicted as stone reliefs of ancient synagogues. In medieval illuminated prayer books, mainly in Ashkenazi mahzorim, the Zodiac signs illustrate the piyyut for rain and for dew by El'azar Birabi Kalir, a sixth century poet from Erez Israel. His piyyut for rain consists of only eleven strophes each devoted to one month but combining the months of Tevet and Shevat. The result is a combined sign of Kid and Bucket, or Kid and Drawing Well. His piyyutim may have been influenced by the mosaic floors of synagogues. The signs in illuminated mahzorim are at times joined to the labours of the months, and are at times related to the emblems of the Tribes of Israel. Some of the signs are strangely rendered, as can be seen in particular depictions of the signs: human figures have their heads distorted.
During the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries Zodiac signs decorated the walls of modern and brick synagogues of Eastern Europe, where a non-iconic attitude had been taken, and generally no complete human beings were depicted. Twins may be represented as two animals and the Virgin as a bouquet with a vase, or as a harp. Among ritual objects of Eastern Europe which depict Zodiac signs are Torah crowns, shields and finials. In some Eastern European ceremonial objects the Zodiac signs appear related to the Day of Judgment as in belt buckles for Yom Kippur. At times they surround the Sacrifice of Isaac, or relate to the good omen for a newly born baby, as on Torah binders or Pidyon Ha-Ben plates (redemption of the first born). They also appear in marriage contracts as in Italian Ketuboth.
The feast of Purim is connected to the Zodiac signs by the story of Haman casting lots to find out the right time to destroy the Jews. It therefore appears in illustrated Italian Esther scrolls as Haman shooting an arrow at the circular Zodiac cycle. The signs also appear around German pewter Purim plates. In modern art the Zodiac is depicted on a wall mosaic by Marc Chagall, where the signs surround the figure of Elijah rising to the heavens in his chariot, like Helios. HUJ

Syncretism and Mythraic cults influence. Like any other artists in any other periods Byzantine artists were influenced by the art of their predecessors. Many of their images and symbols were directly borrowed from the Mithraic pagans of Rome who were dominating the cultural scene of the empire during the early centuries of Christianity. In those early periods, due to the animosity of the Roman Mithraist establishment towards Christianity, the church had to adopt numerous concealed signs that were discernible only by the loyal affiliates of the church. Artists portrayed Christ in the guise of various heroes of the Mithraic mysteries which were worshiped by many Roman legionnaires, senators and even emperors, like Julian.
Perhaps the first scholar who discovered this fact was Franz Cumont who ascertained that the images of the Heavens, Earth, Ocean, Sun, Moon, Zodiac planets, Seasons, and Four elements depicted on Christian mosaics and other art forms of the third to the fifth centuries are indeed Mithraic symbols. Cumont, was aware of the fact that despite the Church’s opposition to the Mithraist’s celebration of the cosmic cycle, these signs were nevertheless integrated into Christian imagery, in which "a few alterations in costume and attitude transformed a pagan scene into a Christian picture."
Another researcher, M.J. Vermaseren, has argued that Christian portrayals on sarcophagi of the soul’s ascension into heaven, though apparently referencing the biblical scene of Elijah being led into heaven by fiery chariots and horses, were in fact inspired by representations of Mithras' ascent into the heavens in Helios’ chariot. He identified the sun god, as the source of inspiration for the flames on Elijah’s chariot and the god Oceanus as the inspiration for the Jordan River.
Robin Jensen has argued that the early Christian art depicted Christ as the sun, in virtually the same way as the sun was depicted in the Mithraism iconography. Jensen argues: "In the famous early fourth century mosaic said to be of Christi Helios in the dome of the mausoleum of the Julii in the excavations under Saint Peter’s on the Vatican, we see a figure that may have been meant to represent Christ as Sol or perhaps as a rival to Sol riding in a chariot, surrounded by a golden sky, and adorned with a radiate halo" (Byzantine art).

Astrology. Marcia Masino: Beth Alpha's Synagogue Floor. In 1928, Israeli farmers in Beth Alpha, located at the base of Mount Gilboa in the Valley of Jezreel, were digging an irrigation ditch when they unearthed a brightly colored mosaic chip. A Hebrew inscription on the piece was cause for consultation with Professor Eliezer Sukenik of the Hebrew University, who immediately ordered an archaeological dig. This led to the discovery of the remains of a fifth century synagogue's pillars and walls. The greatest surprise came when they unearthed an almost completely intact zodiac mosaic floor.
The elegant floor of warmly colored stones contains an instantly recognizable image of the twelve signs. The Greek Sun god Helios is the largest image, appearing in the center of the horoscope wheel. He's crowned and is shown inside his chariot surrounded by stars and a crescent Moon. Four horses appear with him, and his chariot has multi-colored wheels.
Beautiful renditions of the zodiac signs appear in the house sectors, starting with Libra at the rising sign point, rather than traditional Aries. Angels of the four seasons decorate the corners. Twenty-two different stones were used to create this masterpiece; the Hebrew alphabet is comprised of the same number of letters. The pavement was made in the time of Emperor Justin the First, who reigned from 518 to 527. It covers the entire nave area and has inscriptions referring to the zodiac in Hebrew and Greek.
The Creation of the Beth Alpha Zodiac. The mosaic came into being when the temple elders decided to call for a facelift of their place of worship. An independent builder named Marianus was hired to create something impressive and grand. He had traveled to Greece and seen the latest trends in temple décor, and suggested a radical design departure.
Zodiacs were popular with the Greeks at the time, and Marianus managed to convince the elders to accept his zodiac design, complete with Helios the Sun god in the center placement. They agreed under the condition that the Holy Ark appear above the image on the top panel, the place of supremacy signifying faith in God. Beth Alpha mosaic was created with three panels: the Holy Ark, the zodiac and the story of the sacrifice of Issac. Marianus and was paid 100 measures of grain for his efforts.
Graeco-Roman Influence in Hebrew Temples. Marianus may not have had to leave home to come up with the astrology motif. He could have easily looked to the many examples of in his own country. Graeco-Roman images of Helios and the zodiac were common and fashionable.
Examples of the twelve zodiac signs with Helios in his sun chariot surrounded by angels have been discovered in seven ancient synagogues in Israel. In addition to Beth Alpha, the zodiacs appear at Hammath Tiberias, Khirbet Susiya,Yafia, Sepphoris, Beth Shean, Husifa,and Na'aran. The Louvre also has a tiny first or second century mural remnant of the sign of Capricorn from the wall of Dura-Europus. All the pavements consist of three parts: an inscription or scene, a center zodiac panel and a representation of Jewish religious objects such as the Ark, Torah or menorah.
Obviously the Graeco-Roman environment had a great deal of influence on Jewish religious art. The appearance of the Sun god Helios, as well as pagan zodiac images, reflected the popularly held belief of planetary influence on worldly affairs. Helios has a long history in Judaism. His figure is found in both text and magical amulets from that time period.
Astrology and Judaism. Ancient Hebrew tradition believes the first Jewish patriarchs used astrology, including Abraham. Abraham came from Babylon or Mesopotamia, a city with a name that translates as "light of the astrologers," where planetary deities were worshipped. One astrological treatise possibly written by Abraham is known to have existed in the third century B.C. Abraham's father Terach was also an astrologer.
Moses (c.1200-1100 B.C.), as Pharaoh's adopted son, was also an astrologer. He correlated the attributes of the twelve signs to the twelve tribes of Israel, then took the people from the tabernacle in the wilderness on their pilgrimage, lined up by zodiacal order. Rabbinical tradition asserts that the signs of the zodiac have represented the twelve tribes since antiquity.
Beth Alpha's floor is renown as one the most important mosaics in Israel. The synagogue is now part of a National Park on Kibbutz Hefzibah. Visitors can tour the Beth Alpha Synagogue National Park and see the most complete zodiac floor from the time when astrology held a place in the synagogue.


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1.9.15

A História Cultural




Roger Chartier - A História Cultural entre Práticas e Representações




Programa Vesalius Rio



Ref. Educação, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, 2015

23.7.15

Vesalius Rio Program

Other available versions: Portuguese | Spanish


Education: The Vesalius Rio Program 2014/2015


Consulate of Belgium in Rio de Janeiro





Vesalius Rio Program
Artwork as Expressive Interdisciplinar Structure


Mariano Akerman

Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 2014/2015




Vesalius Rio 2015: An Educational Program

In a Europe where, in the beginning of the sixteenth century, still prevailed some considerable darkness of preconception of the actual internal constitution of the human body, Andreas Vesalius was able to develop unprecedented practices and work involving the first complete dissection of the human body, which was studied and described in detail.

Resulting from the use of the empirical method, Vesalius's amazing discoverings were registered in his treatise, De humani corporis fabrica (1543), an illustrated work on anatomy characterized by its systematic approach and scientific precision.

Up to now Vesalius's contribution is of cardinal importance to anatomists. Vesalius himself is also appreciated as a pioneer in the fight against preconception via scientific research.

"Sentence first—verdict afterwards" demanded from her irrationality the Queen of Hearts in a well-known nineteenth-century literary work. Four hundred years before, however, Vesalius had already went beyond diverse irrationalities then prevalent in his society and, what is even more important, he had done so in a deductive and truly convincing manner.

Inspired by the light coming from the Renaissance anatomist's modus operandi, the Vesalius Rio Program reexamines the Visual Arts as a discipline.

Mariano Akerman explores the didactic nature of Vesalius's anatomical treatise illustrations; studies the particularities of Hebraic symbolism in the Middle Ages, reconsiders the Western allegories of Faith; discovers the existential origins of Sephardic creativity; meditates on the last intentions that shape both totalitarian propaganda and visual imagery bearing witness and/or recalling the most terrible genocide in history. He also examines the importance of the Imaginary in Brazilian and Argentinean artworks, to reconnect them to some of their respective European sources.

Throughout his methodical approach, Vesalius illuminated numerous aspects of a reality hardly known and mostly considered from prejudice in his time. Evoking the deductive method of Vesalius and dealing with a diversity of topics in an analogous manner, the Vesalius Rio Program aims to clarify a series of important topics that still remain obscure and yet demand an endodermic research of the Anatomy of Art.


Lectures


1 Sacred Text and Visual Arts
2 Checkmate to the Queen
3 A Time for Everything
Series: "Cultural Heritage and Identity"
Centro de Estudos Bíblicos
R. Gen. Severiano 170 - Botafogo
2, 9 September, 21 October 2014


4 Hebraic Symbolism: Its Particularities
 and Representations in the Middle Ages

Universidade Federal do Estado do Rio de Janeiro
Escola de História - 6ª Jornada de Estudos Medievais
Av. Pasteur 458 - Urca
2 September 2015


5 Culture and Propaganda
6 Tragedy and Remembrance
7 Memory and Education
Series: "Cultural Legacy and Remebrance"
Associação Scholem Aleichem de Cultura e Recreação
São Clemente 155, Botafogo
4, 18, 25 October 2015


8 Vesalius: Man in the Center
Istituto Italiano di Cultura di Rio de Janeiro
Casa d'Italia, Av. Presidente Antonio Carlos 40, 4º andar - Centro
15 October 2015


9 The Sephardic Contribution to the Visual Arts
Instituto Cervantes
R. Visc. de Ouro Preto, 62 - Botafogo
28 October 2015


10 Artists' Dreams and Configurations of the Imaginary
•• Instituto Cultural Brasil-Argentina
•• Praia de Botafogo 228, Sobreloja, Botafogo
•• 5 November 2015


11 Yesterday and Today: Allegories of Faith in Western Art
•• Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro
•• Departamento de Teologia - 50º Aniversario da Declaração Nostra Aetate
•• R. Marquês de São Vicente, 225 - Gávea
•• 10 November 2015


12 Expressions in Copacabana: The Inner Constellations
•• Residence of Belgium
•• Av. Atlântica, Posto 5
•• 19 November 2015

Note
Lecture 4. Architect and Art History researcher, Akerman studies the relative abscence of the human figure in the Hebraic tradition (aniconism), exploring the relationship between sacred text and visual imagery, to characterize the particularities and various representations involving Hebraic symbolism in the Middle Ages.


Mariano Akerman
Born in Buenos Aires in 1963, Mariano Akerman is a painter, architect and art historian. Working as a researcher and a lecturer, Akerman also develops educational activities that encourage free expression and communitarian involvement of participants while considering their cultural background.
Akerman studied at the School of Architecture of Universidad de Belgrano (Argentina), completing his formation with a prized graduation project on boundaries and space in Modern Architecture (1987). Abroad from 1991 onwards, he received a British Council Grant to research the artwork of Francis Bacon at Marlborough Fine Art and the Tate Gallery in London. Akerman is author of The Grotesque in Francis Bacon’s Paintings (1999) and "Bacon, Painter with a Double-Edged Sword" (2012).
In Asia, Mariano Akerman developed the educational series of conferences The Belgian Contribution to the Visual Arts (2005), In the Spirit of Linnaeus (2007), Discovering Belgian Art (2008-9), Raisons d’être: Art, Freedom and Modernity (2010), German Art (2010), and The Gestalt Educational Program (2011).
Specializing in Visual Communication, Akerman lectures on modern art at institutions such as the Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes in Buenos Aires, the National Museum of the Philippines in Manila, the Star of Hope School in Taytay, the National College of Arts in Lahore, the Quaid-i-Azam University in Islamabad, and the Biblical Studies Center of Rio de Janeiro.
Specialized in Visual Communication, Akerman develops seminars, workshops and educational exhibitions, working together with the embassies and consulates of Belgium, Sweden, France, Germany, Switzerland, and those of his native country as well. Akerman has received twelve international prizes in art and education.


Vesalius Rio Program: Anatomy of Art
Artwork as Expressive Interdisciplinar Structure




Vesalius Rio Program
Rebel and Pioneer
Vesaliana
Cultural Heritage and Identity
Synagoga et Ecclesia in Our Time
Expressions in Copacabana
Mariano Akerman, CV and References




Vesalius Rio Program: Anatomy of Art
Artwork as Expressive Interdisciplinar Structure
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 2014/2015




Andreae Vesalii Bruxellensis



The Consulate of Belgum in Rio de Janeiro
Rua Lauro Muller 116/602, Torre do Rio Sul - Botafogo






19.7.15

Synagoga and Ecclesia in Our Time


Joshua Koffman, Synagoga and Ecclesia in Our Time, maquette, April 2015

1. SJU Announces Details of Sculpture to Mark 50 Years of New Catholic-Jewish Relationship, SJU, Philadelphia, 24.4.2015

PHILADELPHIA (April 24) – Saint Joseph’s University has formally commissioned local artist Joshua Koffman to craft an original sculpture entitled, “Synagoga and Ecclesia in Our Time.” To be situated prominently on the campus near the Chapel of Saint Joseph–Michael J. Smith, S.J. Memorial, Koffman’s preliminary design has been completed and work on the final statue has begun.

The sculpture is part of the University's celebration with the Philadelphia Jewish community of the 50th anniversary of the Second Vatican Council declaration, Nostra Aetate (Latin for its opening words, “In Our Time”). That 1965 statement repudiated centuries of Christian claims that Jews were blind enemies of God whose spiritual life was obsolete. The document called instead for friendship and dialogue between Catholics and Jews. Shortly after, what was then Saint Joseph’s College became the first American Catholic college to respond to this appeal by establishing the Institute for Jewish-Catholic Relations. The sculpture will also memorialize the Institute’s work and mission.

On numerous medieval cathedrals statues of the female allegorical figures of Church (Ecclesia) and Synagogue (Synagoga) portrayed the triumph of Christianity over Judaism. Ecclesia is crowned, majestic and victorious. Synagoga is defeated and blindfolded, her crown fallen at her feet.

"In 1965, Nostra Aetate rejected such images, declaring that Jews are beloved by an ever-faithful God whose promises are irrevocable," says University President, C. Kevin Gillespie, S.J. ’72. "The statue of 'Synagoga and Ecclesia in Our Time' will portray Jews and Christians using the medieval figures in a strikingly different way to express Catholic teaching today."

According to Institute Director Philip A. Cunningham, Ph.D., the new sculpture will employ Synagoga and Ecclesia rendered with nobility and grace, to bring to life the words of Pope Francis: “Dialogue and friendship with the Jewish people are part of the life of Jesus’ disciples. There exists between us a rich complementarity that allows us to read the texts of the Hebrew Scriptures together and to help one another mine the riches of God’s word.” The work will depict the figures enjoying studying each other’s sacred texts together.

“The sculpture will vividly convey what Pope Francis has called the ‘journey of friendship’ that Jews and Catholics have experienced in the past five decades,” observes Jewish Studies professor and Institute Assistant Director, Adam Gregerman, Ph.D. “We are looking forward to area Jews and Catholics coming together to celebrate the remarkable rapprochement that is occurring.”

Artist Joshua Koffman is a Philadelphia-based sculptor known for his expressive and dramatic large-scale bronze sculptures. The recipient of many distinguished awards including the Alex J. Ettl Grant, the John Cavanaugh Memorial Prize, and First Place in the Grand Central Academy’s Sculpture Competition, he pursued formal art education at the University of California, Santa Cruz and at the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, where he currently teaches.

“I am certainly looking forward to creating a sculpture that will communicate an incredibly unique and important message that will be central to such an extraordinary occasion as this historic anniversary,” Koffman says.


2. The Medieval Motif of Synagoga and Ecclesia and Its Transformation in a Post-Nostra Aetate Church, SJU, April 2015

In the Middle Ages, the feminine figures of Ecclesia (Church) and Synagoga (Synagogue) were a familiar motif in Christian art. It was a visual presentation of the understanding of the relationship between Christianity and Judaism that prevailed in that era. Mary C. Boys has described it as follows:

We can see a [particular] pattern in the Christian iconography of the dual figures Synagoga and Ecclesia. For many Christians of the Middle Ages, the status of Judaism evoked images from Lamentations (1:1; 5:16-17):

How lonely sits the city
that once was full of people!
How like a widow she has become,
she that was great among the nations!
She that was a princess among the provinces
has become a vassal.

The crown has fallen from our head;
woe to us, for we have sinned!
Because of this our hearts are sick,
because of these things our eyes have grown dim.

Like Leah of the weak eyes (see Genesis 29:17), Synagoga was blind to Christ. As second-century apologist Justin Martyr said to the Jew Trypho, "Leah is your people and the synagogue, while Rachel is our church ...; Leah has weak eyes, and the eyes of your spirit are also weak." Synagoga symbolizes an obsolete Judaism.

In some depictions of this allegorical pair, we see a triumphant Ecclesia standing erect next to the bowed, blindfolded figure of the defeated yet dignified Synagoga (e.g., the thirteenth-century stone figures in the cathedrals of Strasbourg, Freiburg, Bamberg, Magdeburg, Reims, and Notre Dame [Paris]). Though the church has triumphed over synagogue, the latter is a tragic rather than sinister figure--a woman conquered, with her crown fallen, staff broken, and Torah dropping to the ground. ...

Other representations of Synagoga, particularly in the Late Middle Ages, present a more contemptible figure. For example, in a fifteenth-century portrayal of the crucifixion, Ecclesia holds a chalice to receive the blood from the pierced heart of Jesus, whereas Synagoga turns away from him, in the clasp of a devil who rides atop her neck and blinds her to the Christ by covering her eyes. The association with the devil evokes a malevolent Synagoga. ... Many [Medieval Christians] would have viewed the figures of Synagoga and Ecclesia, and thereby absorbed a dangerous lesson: Judaism no longer has reason to exist (Mary C. Boys, Has God Only One Blessing? - Judaism as a Source of Christian Self-Understanding, Paulist Press, 2000, 31-35).

Contrast this long-lived derogatory Christian attitude toward Judaism with these recent words of Pope Francis:

We hold the Jewish people in special regard because their covenant with God has never been revoked, for “the gifts and the call of God are irrevocable” (Rom 11:29). ... Dialogue and friendship with the children of Israel are part of the life of Jesus’ disciples. The friendship which has grown between us makes us bitterly and sincerely regret the terrible persecutions which they have endured, and continue to endure, especially those that have involved Christians. God continues to work among the people of the Old Covenant and to bring forth treasures of wisdom which flow from their encounter with his word. For this reason, the Church also is enriched when she receives the values of Judaism (Pope Francis, Evangelii Gaudium, 2014, 247-249).

Clearly Catholic attitudes have changed. A new relationship of respect has replaced the previous one of disdain. The turning point was the Second Vatican Council declaration, Nostra Aetate, issued on October 28, 1965.

The statue being prepared for Saint Joseph's University to mark the declaration's 50th anniversary will reinterpret the medieval motif of Synagoga and Ecclesia to reflect the teaching of the Catholic Church today. "Synagoga and Ecclesia in Our Time" will depict Synaogue and Church as both proud crowned women, living in covenant with God side by side, and learning from one another’s sacred texts and traditions about their distinctive experiences of the Holy One.


3. Sculpting a New Tradition: From Adversaries to Two Peoples in Covenant to Study Partners, SJU, April-July 2015

In Medieval Europe, the feminine figures of victorious Church (Ecclesia) and vanquished Synagogue (Synagoga) adorned dozens of cathedrals and churches. A famous depiction at the Cathedral of Strasbourg (ca. 1230) shows regal Church wearing a crown and bearing a cross-topped staff of authority and the chalice of the Eucharist. To the right, Synagogue is slumped and blindfolded, her crown has fallen to her feet, her staff is broken, and a tattered scroll of the Torah seems about to fall from her hand. Ill. Strasbourg

The figures also were regularly portrayed on either side of the crucified Jesus. Here in an early 15th century German Bible history book, Church collects the precious blood of Jesus into her chalice. Synagogue's vision is blocked by a demon on her head, who also casts off her crown.

When Napoleon Bonaparte was crowned King of Italy at the Cathedral of Milan on May 26, 1805, he ordered that work to complete its façade should begin at once. Seven years later, the traditional images of Synagogue and Church were transformed into somewhat secularized figures to show the legal equality of all religions in the Napoleonic state. Church is the Lady of Liberty of Enlightenment-era political thought, while Synagogue displays the universal philosophy of the Ten Commandments. Ill. Milan statues

In the first decades of the 20th century, the American artist John Singer Sargent reprised the medieval images of Synagogue and Church in paintings for the Boston Public Library. As in the older portrayals, she has lost her crown, her staff is broken, and her eyes are blindfolded. Although she retained some dignity in many medieval depictions, here she is thoroughly desolate. Such demeaning images contradict Catholic teaching since the Second Vatican Council's 1965 declaration Nostra Aetate. Ill. John Singer Sargent, Synagogue

For her book, Has God Only One Blessing? Judaism as a Source of Christian Self-Understanding (Paulist Press, 2000), Mary C. Boys commissioned Paula Mary Turnbull, a member of her religious community, to prepare small brass statues of Synagoga and Ecclesia as both in covenant with God. This idea of reimagining the negative medieval motif to reflect Catholic teaching since Nostra Aetate inspired the SJU sculpture to mark the declaration's 50th anniversary: "Synagoga and Ecclesia in Our Time." Ill. Paula Turnbull statuettes

With this basic premise, a number of artists were invited to submit concept sketches. One of Joshua Koffman's earliest clay drafts appealingly showed Church and Synagogue as comfortable being with and interacting with each other.

This interactive dynamic recalled the words of Pope Benedict XVI in 2011: "After centuries of antagonism, we now see it as our task to bring these two ways of rereading the biblical texts—the Christian way and the Jewish way—into dialogue with one another, if we are to understand God's will and his word aright." This led to the concept of portraying Synagogue and Church as sharing their respective sacred texts with each other, crudely suggested by inserting clip art texts to show them learning together.

Joshua Koffman took this basic concept and significantly developed it in another rough clay sketch. Besides having them holding their sacred texts, he added simple crowns to both figures, using that medieval symbol to indicate that both Synagogue and Church experience covenantal life with God.

In the final clay sketch before doing drapery studies for the Artist's Model, Joshua Koffman refined the Torah scroll and Christian Bible and how they are grasped. The image of Synagogue and Church reading together evokes the traditional Jewish chavruta method of studying the Talmud in pairs.

After doing drapery studies with live models, the larger Artist's Model is completed. The Torah scroll and Christian Bible are more substantial and are held in complementary ways. As Pope Francis has written: "God continues to work among the people of the Old Covenant and to bring forth treasures of wisdom which flow from their encounter with his word. For this reason ... there exists as well a rich complementarity [between us] which allows us to read the texts of the Hebrew Scriptures together and to help one another to mine the riches of God’s word" [Evangelii Gaudium, 249].


4. Murray Watson, ICCJ concludes Annual Meeting in Rome, CCJR, 1.7.2015

(ROME) In a historic gathering in the Vatican on June 30, Pope Francis welcomed more than 250 Jewish and Christian leaders from the International Council of Christians and Jews. The Pope met with them to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the ground-breaking Vatican II declaration “Nostra Aetate,” which opened up new horizons in the Catholic Church’s approach to interfaith relations. [...]

The new statue of Ecclesia and Synagoga (Church and Synagogue) has been commissioned by Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia to honour the Nostra Aetate anniversary.

In contrast to the many portrayals of Ecclesia and Synagoga found in medieval cathedrals and manuscripts (which generally portrayed Ecclesia as triumphant, and Synagoga as defeated), this modern work of art depicts the two figures as equal in dignity and beauty, looking with curiosity and respect at the books of each other’s respective Scriptures.

This statue, reflective of the Jewish tradition of partnered Torah-study (havrutah), speaks of the new type of relationship that Nostra Aetate both encouraged and has helped to make possible. Today, many Jews and Christians are mutually enriched by their study of the other’s religious traditions and texts, and this statue points to those new possibilities for friendship and learning in each other’s company.


"My representational work begins with the human. It is heavily influenced by tradition, serves a function, and speaks to a timeless audience. I first create the compositions in clay, mold them, and then cast them in bronze"
Joshua Koffman
All images reproduced with the sculptor's permission.
Joshua Koffman: Sculpture Website


Chavrutah means "studying partners"








A Paradigm Shift



From medieval darkness to contemporary light, Joshua Koffman's Contribution to Interfaith Dialogue | Cambio de paradigma. De la oscuridad medieval a la luz contemporánea: una contribución al diálogo interreligioso. | De l'obscurité de Strasbourg à la lumière de la Pennsylvanie.



Toward Constructive Shalom Theology

Philip A. Cunningham, Seeking Shalom: The Journey to Right Relationship between Catholics and Jews, Michigan and Cambridge: Wm.B. Eerdmans, 2015.

About the cover art. One of the most transformative texts of the Second Vatican Council was its 1965 declaration on the relationship of the Catholic Church to non-Christian religions, known by its opening Latin words as Nostra Aetate ("In Our Time"). It repudiated centuries of Christian claims that Jews were blind enemies of God whose spiritual life was obsolete. This comptemptuous teaching had been depicted on many medieval churches by the female figures of Church (Ecclesia) and Synagogue (Synagoga), the former crowned and victorious, the latter defeated and blindfolded, her crown fallen at her feet. Nostra Aetate repudiated such images. It declared that Jews are beloved by an ever-faithful God whose promises are irrevocable, and called for dialogue between Christians and Jews.
To celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of Nostra Aetate, Saint Joseph's University commissioned an original sculpture by Joshua Koffman entitled Synagoga and Ecclesia in Our Time. Today Synagoga and Ecclesia are able to learn about God from each other. As Pope Francis has written: "Dialogue and friendship with the children of Israel are part of the life of Jesus' disciples. There exists a complementarity between the Church and the Jewish people that allows us to help one another mine the richess of God's word" (Evangelii Gaudium, 2013). The cover photo shows the full-size clay version of the sculpture, which will be cast in bronze.

Charting an Unprecedented Journey. The Hebrew word shalom [... and its] many connotations [... are] particularly relevant to the relationship between Judaism and Christianity. Usually translated into English as peace, shalom in its fuller meaning actually denotes prosperity, well-being, and a sense of being whole and healthy. It involves being in right relationship with one's own community and with others. Shalom is also sometimes understood as the outcome of walking trough life with God.
Clearly, Christianity has not been in "right relationship" with Judaism throughout most of the two millennia of its existence. As Cardinal Edward Cassidy has concisely summarized:

There can be no denial of the fact that from the time of the Emperor Constantine on, Jews were isolated and discriminated in the Christian world. There were expulsions and forced conversions. Literature propagated stereotypes, preaching accused the Jews of every age of deicide; the ghetto which came into being in 1555 with a papal bull became in Nazi Germany the antechamber of the extermination... The Church can justly be accused of not showing to the Jewish people down through the centuries that love which its founder, Jesus Christ, made the fundamental principle of his teaching ("Reflections: The Vatican Statemen on the Shoah," Origins 28/2, 28 may 1998, 3).

Given this tragic assessment, one ponders to what extent the church's lack of shalom with Judaism has impeded its continuation of the mission of Jesus to prepare the world for the Reign of God. As Cardinal Walter Casper has poignantly written, "[C]utting itself from its Jewish roots from centuries weakened the church, a weakness that became evident in the altogether too feeble resistance against the [Nazi] persecution of Jews" (Cunningham, Christ Jesus and the Jewish People Today: New Explorations of Theological Inerrelationships, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2011, xiv). To put it in another way, if over the centuries the Christian community has not been in right relationship with its Jewish roots, its Jewish neighbors, and indeed in some ways with its Jewish Lord, then how successful coulld it be in being an agent of shalom in the world?
The Catholic Church, together with most Christian denominations it has now renounced its past contempt for Judaism, as replaced, obsolete, or outmoded. It seeks to cultivate shalom with those now recognized to also be covenantal partners with God. Such shalom brings both external "right relationship" with the Jewish people and internal "right relationship" between the church's own Jewish heritage and its Christian self-definition. This wholeness seems essential if either Jews or Christians are to fulfill their covenanting responsabilities befor God toward the rest of humanity (pp xi-xii).



Cunningham's book explores the fifty past years of Christian-Jewish relation in terms of the new Catholic-Jewish interplay inspired by Nostra Aetate in 1965. The author considers the Church's attitude toward Jews and Judaism, including "constructive theology" and "an unprecedented opportunity for mutual enrichment and growth" (p. 256).

"Christian communities have embarked on a process of reforming inherited negative theological attitudes toward Jews and Judaism." Yet, "Given the longevity and pervasiveness of supersessionism in Christian teaching, this is an unpalleled and difficult process. It touches on all aspects of Christian faith including Christology, ecclesiology, soteriology, ethics, and liturgy" (p. 235). "It will require years of dedicated perseverance, not only because of the inhereted zero-sum* binaries of the past, but because we are finding our way along new and unexplored paths of mutuality" (p. 247).

* Zero-sum. Of, relating to, or being a situation (as a game or relationship) in which a gain for one side entails a corresponding loss for the other side.
Zero-sum is a situation in game theory in which one person’s gain is equivalent to another’s loss, so the net change in wealth or benefit is zero. A zero-sum game may have as few as two players, or millions of participants. In the financial markets, options and futures are examples of zero-sum games, excluding transaction costs. For every person who gains on a contract, there is a counter-party who loses. Win-Lose Binary. Win-Lose Interplay.




The bronze work, by noted Philadelphia artist Joshua Koffman, was installed on Sept. 25 in front of the Chapel of St. Joseph on the campus, commemorating the 50th anniversary of Nostra Aetate, the Vatican II document that transformed the relationship between the Catholic and Jewish people. The sculpture is part of the celebration of Nostra Aetate that attempts to display in art the quantum leap made since the promulgation of the document in reversing erroneous views of Jews and Judaism. Nostra Aetate sought to repudiate centuries of Christian claims that Jews were blind enemies of God because of their rejection of Jesus as the Messiah, and that their spiritual life was superseded by Christianity.
The statue at St. Joseph’s University reflects the teaching of the Catholic Church today as enunciated clearly by the present and past four popes. "Synagoga and Ecclesia in Our Time" depicts synagogue and church as both proud crowned women, living in covenant with God side by side, and learning from one another’s sacred texts and traditions, discussing their distinctive experiences of the Holy One. According to the university’s director of the Jewish-Catholic Institute, Philip Cunningham, the sculpture brings to life the words of Pope Francis: "Dialogue and friendship with the Jewish people are part of the life of Jesus’ disciples. There exists between us a rich complementarily that allows us to read the texts of the Hebrew Scriptures together and to help one another mine the riches of God’s Word" (Joseph D. Wallace, Synagogue and Ecclesia in Our Time, Catholic Star Herald, 1 October 2015).

Resources
Has God Only One Blessing?
Interfaith Dialogue in Our Time
Arte y Diálogo Interreligioso
Ayer y Hoy
Album Ecclesia et Synagoga
Wikimedia Pic


Vesalius Rio Program

17.5.15

Synagoga's Blindfold: Its Symbolism



Synagoga: Venerable yet Vulnerable

The Symbolism of Synagoga's Blindfold

• Synagoga is blinfolded, not to see the Messiah.[1]

• In pre-humanist tradition, the blindfold signified a disability.[¿]

• The female figure of blindfolded Synagoga, which adorned many late medieval churches, was a visible and public testimony and reminder of the failure of the Jews to recognize their Messiah. With a veil or blindfold covering her eyes, and sometimes holding a broken standard which served as a contrast to the victorious Ecclesia, Synagoga was a permanent sign of Jewish blindness and stubborness, which had led Jews to murder their unrecognised saviour.[?]

• Synagoga is blinfolded, as Jews refuse to see that Jesus was the Jewish Messiah, and so that Judaism has become obsolete.[+]

• The blindfold represents moral or spiritual blindness or darkness, sin, and ignorance.[2]

• Covered eyes once had negative connotations. A blindfolded and bent figure, Synagoga, representing the Old Testament, denoted that Judaism was blind to the light of Christianity.[3]

• Synagoga is blindfolded, symbolizing the blindfold her blindness to the truth of the New Testament.[4]

• The blindfold symbolizes exclusion, for the Jews had rejected the Messiah and medieval Christian culture held the Jews irredeemably responsible for killing Christ.[5]

• Synagoga is blindfolded, because she has not yet recognized the revelation of Jesus Christ.[6]

References
1. Shalom Sabar, Jerusalem, March 2013 (StudyBlue).
¿. Also Resnik and Curtis, Representing Justice, p. 63.


?. Brian P. Levack, Demonology, Religion, and Witchcraft: New Perspectives on Witchcraft, Magic, and Demonology (2002), Routledge, 2013, p. 181 and n. 96, where he refers to Gertrud Schiller, Ikonograhie der christlichen Kunst, 4 vols., Gütersloh, 1976, vol. 4, pt. 1, pp. 45-56, 242-55.
+. Cf. Nina Rowe, The Jew, the Cathedral and the Medieval City: Synagoga and Ecclesia in the Thirteenth Century, Cambridge UP, 2014.
2. Mary Ann Sullivan, Ecclesia et Synagoga, Bluffton University, Ohio: "Church and Synagogue were common allegorical figures in the Middle Ages. Draped females, they are ways of representing the transition from the Old Law to the New. Church typically wears a crown, carries a cross, and holds a chalice, representing the Redeemer's blood. Synagogue is always a blindfolded figure, the blindfold representing moral or spiritual blindness or darkness, sin, and ignorance. Often a crown falls from the inclined head of Synagogue and the Tables of the Law fall from her hands."
3. Judith Resnik and Dennis Curtis, From Fool’s Blindfold to the Veil of Ignorance, Yale Law Report, Winter 2011, pp. 14-15: "Covered eyes once had negative connotations. A blindfolded and bent figure, Synagoga, representing the Old Testament, denoted that Judaism was blind to the light of Christianity. Ecclesia, the New Testament, was ramrod straight and clear-eyed." In addition, "Lady Justice’s familiar blindfold did not become an accessory until well into the 17th century. And even then it was uncommon because of the profoundly negative connotations blindfolds carried for medieval and Renaissance audiences, who viewed them as emblems not of impartiality but of deception [...]. Sight was the desired state, Professors Resnik and Curtis write, connected to insight, light and the rays of God’s sun" (Randy Kennedy, Yale Law Professors Fix their Eyes on Blind Lady Justice: That Lady With the Scales Poses for Her Portraits, The New York Times, 15 December 2010).

"Christianity embraced "sol justitiae"--Christ--as the god of Light, who will appear ablaze when he will judge mankind. Medieval Europe saw depictions of the Virtue Charity holding a torch to denote the light of God" (Resnik and Curtis, Representing Justice, p. 64).

"Like many other symbols, blindfolds were demostrably polysemic, which is to say that their import changed over time and place" (Resnik and Curtis, Representing Justice, p. 62).

"what today we call a blindfold, [...] in earlier centuries was sometimes termed a 'bandage'" (Resnik and Curtis, Representing Justice, p. 62).

Not always the blindfold was intended to be read unambiguously. See, for instance, Resnik and Curtis, Representing Justice, p. 62.

"for Medieval and Renaissance audiences, the blindfold was laden with negative connotations". Ibid.

"in the context of the dominant pre-humanist tradition[, ...] the blindfolded signified a disability". Ibid., p. 63

"The idea that sightlessness is problematic, and sometimes unequivocally bad, can be found throughout the [ancient Western] cultures and literatures [...]. Such imagery is predicated on classical and biblical texts that repeatedly cast light as representing light and darkness as misguidedness. The parallel was that the sighted were informed and the blind limited. As either fact or metaphor, blindness signified a variety of deficits. Blindness is not the equivalent of the willful act of being blindfolded. Yet, the rare mentions in biblical texts of blindfolded persons make it plain that they were disadvanteged.{16} [...] To be struck blind was [...] a form of punishment imposed by God.{18} [... W]hen humans punish each other, they sometimes put blindfolds on their victims.{19} [...] Metaphorically, blindness exemplified ignorance or abandonment [...] and impared judgment"{22} (Ibid., p. 64).

p. 428
{16} In some English versions [of the biblical texts] reference is made to "bandaged" or "veiled" eyes. In several Ripa editions the terms "blindfold" and "bandaged" are used interchangeably. However, the word bandages is today associated with wounds, while a blindfold is presumed to be obstricting vision.
{18} Job 18:20 - "Blindness will fall on the wicked."
{19} Jesus himself was made sport of--blindfolded, beaten, and mocked (Mark 16:65; Luke 22:63-64).

Isaiah proclaims, "The prophets should be the eyes of the people, but God has blindfolded them" (Isaiah 29:34 in The Goods News Bible with Deuterocanonicals/Apocrypha, Today's English Version, New York: American Bible Society, 1976; the term was translated in earlier versions as "hath he covered;" Resnik and Curtis, Representing Justice, pp. 65 and p. 428, n. 34).

"biblical lessons became fixtures in Medieval and Renaissance literature and art, which reiterated that bandaged, covered, or blindfolded eyes--as well as those who were physically blind--signified profound limitations." (Resnik and Curtis, Representing Justice, p. 65).

More generally, the physically blind were portrayed as objects of pity in need of charity. Alternatively, by the Middle Ages, blind personifications were sometimes 'endowed with terrifying power'"{39} (Ibid., p. 65).

p. 428
{39} Moshe Barasch, Blindness: The History of a Mental Image in Western Thought, New York: Routledge, 2001, p. 78

p. 65 - Resnik and Curtis, Representing Justice, p. 65, excerpt from chap. 4: "On Eyes and Ostriches"

Synagoga: Blind to the "Light" of Christianity
Two female figures--Synagoga and Ecclesia--and the iconography and literature that surrounded them inscribed blindness as liability. Synagoga, 'a purely Christian creation', was deployed to signify the Old Testament and, sometimes, Jews in general.{42} Ecclesia stood for the New Testament and, at times, Christianity. These two were familiar fixtures in Medieval Europe, to be found 'on ivory tablets, in stained-glass windows, on church implements, in manuscript miniatures, and in monumental statuary'.{43}

[Such pairs can be found at Strasbourg, Rheims, Bordeaux, Paris, Bamberg, Magdeburg, Worms, Lincoln, Salisbury, and Canterbury.]

The variation in depictions of Synagoga reflect the complexity of relations between Christianity and Judaism. Because the Old Testament is an important source for New Testament traditions, some versions of Synagoga have a measure of dignity, acknowledging that the New Covenant built on as well as (from the vantage point of Christianity) rose above the Old Covenant. [... In some cases,] Synagoga is almost the same height as Ecclesia. But unlike that ramrod-straight, crowned, sharp-eyed, regal woman (the "bride of Christ"), Synagoga is a fallen queen, shown slumped with her rod broken and her eyes covered by a blindfold.{50} Their hierarchical relationship is plain.{51}
Among Synagoga's attributes, the blindfold was her 'principal motif,' demonstrating that she was blind to the "light" of Christianity.{{52}} Yet, the bandage around her eyes suggested that her fault could have been remedied. Synagoga was not blind but blindfolded--willfully obstinant, refusing (rather than unable) to comprehend the "light of redemption."{{53}} Other versions of synagogue were more aggressively hostile, reflecting antagonism toward Jews and the spread of anti-Semitism.{{54}} In those iterations is not only blindfolded but also made to look demonic--shown with a serpent wrapped around her head, on a donkey, holding a goat's head (denoting lust) or disheveled [...].

p. 428
{42}. Michael Camille, The Gothic Idol: Ideology and Image-Making in Medieval Art, Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge UP, 1991, p. 178.
{43}. Wolfgang S. Seiferth, Synagogue and Church in the Middle Ages: Two Symbols in Art and Literature, New York: Frederick Ungar, 1970, p. 96. See also Margaret Schauch, "The Allegory of Church and Synagogue," Speculum 14, 1939, 449. Beginning some time in the early Middle Ages, both the "New Law" and the "Old Law" were depicted through female figures, but they did not frequently appear paired in an apparent confrontation until some time in the eleventh century (Ruth Mellinkoff, "Three Mysterious Ladies Unmasked," Jewish Art 14-15, Jerusalem: Center for Jewish Art, Hebrew University, 1984, p. 10).
p. 429
{50}. Seiferth, Synagogue and Church in the Middle Ages, p. 32. Synagoga is "the antithesis of the Church. While Ecclesia's luxuriant robe provides stability, Synagoga's diaphanous drapery falls in a tangle around her ankles" (Nina Rowe, "Idealization and Subjection at the South Portal of Strasbourg Cathedral," in Beyond the Yellow Badge: Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval an Early Modern Visual Culture, ed. M.B. Merback, Leiden: Brill, 2008, p. 180).
{51}. Rowe put the imagery in the context of the era in which "keeping the Jews in their place was a central component of keeping order more generally" (Idealization and Subjection, p. 182).
{52}. Seiferth, p. 29. For example, Giotto showed Synagoga turning her head left toward darkness and away from the "light that is Christ in the Gospel of John" (Laurine Mack Bongiorno, "The theme of the old and New Law in the Arena Chapel," Art Bulletin 11, 1968, 13-14). According to Moshe Barasch, in the thirteenth century, Albert the Great mandated a description that added the blindfold in lieu of shaded or otherwise obscured or darkened eyes (Barasch Blindness, p. 86). {58} For the more literate, "bibles moralisées" also displayed images of Synagoga, blinded to Christianity´s light. See Katherine H. Tachau, "God's Compass and Vana Curiositas: Scientific Study in the Old French Bible Moralisée," Art Bulletin 7, 1998, pp. 12-19.
{53}. Barasch, Blindness, pp. 79, 83.

PRADO
p. 429, n. 52. The Prado collection [...] includes an [...] example of Synagoga shown as a man. In the 1430 painting The Fountain of Grace and The Triumph of the Church over the Synagogue [...], on the bottom, are a group identified as Jews, who, with unkempt clothing and in distress, are contrasted with the well-dressed, calm assembly of the Church on the opposite side. Among the Jews is one man--Synagoga--shown bent over, blindfolded, and wearing a large pointed hat. The cluster of "defeated Jews" resembles those in other such renditions. See Josua Bruyn, "A Puzzling Picture at Oberlin: The Fountain of Life," Allen Memorial Art Museum Bulletin 5, 1958, 7.

Judith Resnik and Dennis Edward Curtis, [http://documents.law.yale.edu/representing-justice">Representing Justice: Invention, Controversy, and Rights in City-States and Democratic Courtrooms], New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010, [https://books.google.com.ar/books?id=yzD1z7i8Md4C&lpg=PA429&ots=ppgTjrNfOe&dq=fountain%20grace&pg=PA429#v=onepage&q&f=true p. 429, n. 54].

PDFs - RESNICK, Judith; CURTIS, Dennis. “From Fool’s Blindfold to the Veil of Ignorance”, Yale Law Report, 58:1 (2011), pp. 14-16 : PDF1 + PDF2

4. Ecclesia and Synagoga were the names given to the symbolic personification in medieval Christian art of Christianity's triumph over Judaism. This early type of anti-Jewish propaganda, which first appeared in the 11th century, was common decoration in the sculptures, paintings and stained-glass windows of churches and cathedrals, and in the decorations and bindings of Bibles and prayer books.
A pair of female statues decorated many Gothic cathedrals and churches (usually outside the building) in Europe, especially in France, England and Germany. Ecclesia, representing the victorious, triumphant Church, takes the form of a proud, erect maiden, crowned and holding the cross. Synagoga, symbolizing the defeated Synagogue, is blindfolded (symbolizing the blindfold her blindness to the truth of the New Testament) and dejected, and her characteristic appurtenances are a broken staff, broken tablets of the Law (symbolizing the Old Testament), and a fallen crown.
The best known statues of this type are on the exterior of the cathedrals of Strasbourg and Bamberg. They are also found in Rheims, Paris and Bordeaux. In England, they figure (generally in mutilated condition) in churches in Rochester, Lincoln, Salisbury and Winchester.
Ill. Synagoga statue which stood in front of the Liebrauen Church, Trier, Germany (built c.1250); it presently stands in the Bischoefliches Museum in Trier. Synagoga is blindfolded, holds a broken staff and overturned tablets, and her crown is fallen. Statues at the church of St. Severin, Bordeaux, 1264. While Ecclesia stands erect and crowned, Synagoga is blindfolded (a serpent covering her eyes), and the fallen crown lies at her feet (Jewish Heritage Online Magazine: Ecclesia, Synagoga and the Fallen Crown).

5. Jonathan Durrant, Shifting Perspectives, University of South Wales, July 2011.

6. The two female figures on the south portal of the Strasbourg Cathedral allegorically represent Christianity and Judaism. In Medieval iconography they were usually shown as engaged in a dispute in which Synagoga, the personification of Judaism, was the inferior and was shown vanquished. Most unusually, however, the figures at Strasbourg turn toward each other and toward the central figure of the double portal, Solomon. Thus the conflict is reinterpreted and given a conciliatory outcome.
The figure of Ecclesia, standing almost stiffly upright, wears a crown. The cross and chalice are replacements, but these attributes seem insignificant compared with the figure's majestic appearance. She turns to speak her final words to Synagoga, while the latter, already turning toward her opponent, will maintain her attitude of rejection only for a few moments more. She still holds the broken staff and the Tablets of the Law, and turns away, blindfolded, because she has not yet recognized the revelation of Jesus Christ (Emil Krén and Daniel Marx: Web Gallery of Art).

Resources

Greg Killian remarks on the term Synagogue.

Ms. Typ 120, four of six leaves known to be extant,

Missal, Noyon, c. 1240-1250. Harvard University, Houghton Library, Ms. Typ 120. A folio illustrates the Canon (the prayer of consecration said at every Mass and usually the most elaborately decorated portion of an illuminated Missal). In addition to a large ornamental initial for the Preface, a second historiated initial shows the paired figures of Ecclesia and Synagoga flanking the Agnus dei, the Lamb of God. Synagogue, representing the Jews, is blindfolded, unable to see the "truth" of Christian revelation. Ecclesia captures the blood of the sacrificial lamb in her chalice, both mirroring and modeling the activity of the priest at the altar (Books in Books).

• Bute Master, Initial N: God Removing Synagoga's Blindfold, Bute Psalter, Northeastern France, 1270-80. Tempera colors, gold, and iron gall ink on parchment. Getty, Ms 46, fol 104v. Ref. Bute Psalter. Probably made for a noblewoman in the late 1200s, the Bute Psalter is a small prayer book containing all 150 psalms. A number of other additional texts illuminated by an anonymous Parisian painter were added in the mid-1300s. The manuscript's name derives from that of a previous owner, the Marquess of Bute.
A talented and important artist, known as the Bute Master for his work in this book, created the illuminations for the portion of the manuscript dating from the 1200s. He painted 190 historiated initials and numerous marginal drolleries. Instead of giving precedence to the eight major divisions of the psalms as was customary, he devoted a figural scene to every psalm. Furthermore, the illuminations display distinctive, original iconography that may reflect the patron's wishes.

• Judith Resnik and Dennis Curtis, Representing Justice: Invention, Controversy, and Rights in City-States and Democratic Courtrooms, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011.

Exhibition

Yale Law School, Lillian Goldman Law Library, Rare Book Exhibition Gallery, The Remarkable Run of a Political Icon: Justice as a Sign of the Law, September-December 2011.

The shifting attributes of Justice reflect the complex relationships between judgment, sight, knowledge, and wisdom. In the 1400s and 1500s, a blindfold on Justice signified her disability; today the blindfold is commonly understood as a sign of justice’s impartiality (i.e., a sign of law’s particular obligation to reason within confined parameters and of justice’s impartiality and disinterest).

The Fool Blindfolding Justice is a woodcut from Sebastian Brant’s Stultifera navis mortalium (Ship of Fools, Basel, 1497), sometimes attributed to Albrecht Dürer. The 1509 London edition offers a scene known to be one of the earliest known to show a Justice with covered eyes. The deployment is derisive, evident not only from the fool but from the chapter that the illustration accompanied, which was entitled “Quarreling and Going to Court.” Brant, a noted lawyer and law professor, prefaced the book with a warning against “folly, blindness, error, and stupidity of all stations and kinds of men.” The 1572 version is all the more insistently negative; in this rendition, the fool has pushed Justice off her throne as he covers her eyes.

Addendum 1. De litigantibus in iudicio (Of conflicts in trial), woodcut, c. 1568-72. A fool blindfolding a seated figure of Justice; illustration to a Latin edition of Sebastian Brant's 'Ship of Fools', probably that printed by Petri in Basel in 1572. London, British Museum, E,7.332

The Tribunal of Fools. “The Fool Blindfolding Justice” was not the only image of that era deploying a blindfold as a warning against judicial error, as can be seen from the 1508 edition of an illustrated volume, Die Bambergische Halsgerichtsordnung. The volume, setting forth the criminal law and municipal ordinances of the city of Bamberg, included some twenty woodcuts.
In the woodcut called “The Tribunal of Fools,” a presiding judge (marked by his rod of office, the collar of his robe, and his place of honor on the throne) sits with his four colleagues. All are blindfolded and wear jesters’ caps. The legend on the scroll above their heads reads: “Out of bad habit these blind fools spend their lives passing judgments contrary to what is right.” Once again blindness is equated with error. Blindfolds could also be found on other readily recognized Renaissance icons — Synagoga, representing the Old Testament, was bent and blindfolded (blind to the “light” of Christianity), while Ecclesia, standing ramrod straight and clear-eyed, embodied the New Testament. Similarly, Fortuna, and Eros were also shown blindfolded, exemplifying that the loss of sight leads one astray.

Ripa’s Iconologia. Two codifiers of Renaissance iconography, Cesare Ripa and Andrea Alciati, generated compendia of icons and emblems, replayed by didactic invocations in art and literature, in politics and theology, and in popular pastimes from tarot cards to the satirical press. Through these multiple forms, a host of Virtues and Vices became part of the common visual vocabulary in Europe.
Cesare Ripa’s Iconologia marks the beginning of a shift in the meaning attributed to the blindfold. First published, without any pictures, in Rome in 1593, it was printed with images in 1603 and regularly thereafter, appearing in more than forty editions in eight languages.
Ripa detailed various kinds of Justice, each with her own set of attributes. One was Divine Justice (“Giustitia Divina”) and the other six were variations on “Worldly” Justice. All were clear-sighted but one, and sight itself was specifically admired in the descriptions of various Justices. For example, Ripa’s “Justice According to Aulus Gellius” — from the Padua Ripa of 1625 — is said to have “piercing eyes”.
The sole version Ripa described as blindfolded was called Justice (or sometimes Earthly Justice). As a 1611 edition explained: "This is the type of Justice that is exercised in the Tribunal of judges and secular executors. She is wearing white because judges should be without the stain of personal interest or of any other passion that might pervert Justice, and this is also why her eyes are bandaged — and thus she cannot see anything that might cause her to judge in a manner that is against reason." Thus, the blindfold is a marker of the obligation that Justice not be tempted away from using reason.
Where might Ripa have gotten the blindfold? One possible source is Andrea Alciati’s 1531 treatise, Emblemata, an anthology of moralizing epigrams to which his publisher added illustrations, was reproduced in some 150 editions. One of the “emblems” (a term he coined) is titled “The good Prince in his Council.” The central figure is wearing a bandage obscuring his eyes, and his colleagues lack hands. Both Ripa and Alciati likely knew the “Egyptian” allegory “transmitted by Plutarch and Diodorus Sicilus in which the chief justice was shown eyeless in order to illustrate his impartiality, while his colleagues had no hands with which to take bribes.”

Addendum 2. Karl Ferdinand Hommel, De iure arlequinizante : Oratijo in Academia Lipsiensi cvm ivris vtrivsqve doctorem inavgvraret habita, Lübeck, 1761.

Representing Justice. By mapping the remarkable run of the icon of Justice, a woman with scales and sword, and by tracing the development of public spaces dedicated to justice—courthouses—the authors explore the evolution of adjudication into its modern form as well as the intimate relationship between the courts and democracy.

Chapter Four: Of Eyes and Ostriches

"Although the blindfold has come to be valorized, it was once seen—as cartoonists often use it today — to denote a disabled Justice, blind to or hiding from the truth."

Blind to the Light and Blindfolded by the Fool
The Blindfolded Justice in the Amsterdam Tribunal
"Open the eyes that are blind"
Synagoga: Blind to the "Light" of Christianity
Justice and Judges as Fools
Alciatus's Theban Judges and Ripa's Injunctions: "A Steely Gaze," the Eye of the God, and Bandaged Eyes.

Additional Resources
• Michael J. Vlach, Has the Church replaced Israel?, B&H Publishing Group, 2010.
• Nina Rowe, The Jew, The Cathedral, and Medieval City, Cambridge UP, Apr 4, 2011.
• Pamela Ann Patton, Art of Estrangement: Redefining Jews in Reconquest Spain, Penn State Press, 2012, chap. 3: "Shaping the Jewish Body in Medieval Iberia".
• Sara Lipton, Dark Mirror: The Medieval Origins of Anti-Semitic Iconography, New York: Metropolitan Books, 2014 (AM).
• Sara Lipton, The Invention of the Jewish Nose, The New York Review of Books, 14 November 2014.



27.4.15

Shabbat ha-Shabbatot


Börries von Münchhausen + Ephraim M. Lilien
"Der Sabbath der Sabbathe"
Juda
Berlin, 1900



Der Sabbath der Sabbathe.

Sei still Judäa und schweige, du Tochter des Sem!
Höre, was dir sage:
Es nahet der Tag der Tage
Nach Streben und Sterben und Streit,
Nach Lieben und Lehren und Leid
Nahet die Ernte der Saat:
Der Sabbath der Sabbathe naht!

Sei still Judäa und schweige, du Tochter des Sem!
Hänge dein Hoffen ans Später,
Traue dem Gotte der Väter:
Aus Zeiten voll Schande und Spott
Führt dich dein heiliger Gott
Mit unerforschlichem Rat!
Der Sabbath der Sabbathe naht!




Shabbat of Shabbats

Still and silent be Judea, daughter of Shem.
Listen to what you say:
Approaching is the day of days,
After efforts and death and strife,
After loving and learning and suffering,
Drawing near to the grain harvest:
The shabbat of shabbats approaches.

Still and silent be Judea, daughter of Shem.
To hang your hope on later times,
Trust the God of your fathers:
From times of shame and ridicule
Leads you your Holy God,
With impenetrable resolution:
The shabbat of shabbats approaches.




El sábado de los sábados

Calma y silenciosa sea Judea, hija de Sem.
Escuche lo que dice:
Se aproxima el día de los días,
Tras esfuerzos y muerte y lucha,
Tras amor y aprendizaje y sufrimiento,
Arrimándose a la cosecha del cereal:
El sábado de los sábados se aproxima.

Calma y silenciosa sea Judea, hija de Sem.
Para preservar su esperanza en tiempo próximo,
Confíe en el Dios de sus padres:
De tiempos de vergüenza y ridículo
Le conduce su Santo Dios,
Con resolución impenetrable:
El sábado de los sábados se aproxima.




O sábado dos sábados

Calma e tranquila seja a Judéia, filha de Sem.
Ouça o que diz:
Aproximando-se está o dia dos dias,
Após esforços e morte e luta,
Depois amar e aprender e sofrir,
Perto da colheita da safra:
O sábado dos sábados se aproxima.

Calma e tranquila seja a Judéia, filha de Sem.
Para preservar a sua esperança nos próximos tempos,
Confie no Deus de seus pais;
Desde tempos de vergonha e ridículo
Leva-lhe o seu Santo Deus,
com resolução impenetrável:
O sábado dos sábados se aproxima.



Shekhinah

Ref. Gedicht - Poem - Poema. Yom Kippur is the holiest day on the Jewish calendar; it is also referred to as "Shabbat Ha'Shabbatot" (the Sabbath of the Sabbaths).